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International Security

March 2006

Arms Control | Foreign Policy | Human Rights | Terrorism

Countries/Regions: Afghanistan | Africa | Balkans |China | India | Iran | Iraq | North Korea | Russia | Turkey

Arms Control

A1 - Global Cleanout: Reducing the Threat of HEU-Fueled Nuclear Terrorism
Glaser, Alexander and Frank N von Hippel
Arms Control Today. Jan/Feb 2006, v36, #1, pp18-24
”Five decades ago, the United States and the Soviet Union sought to outdo one another in supplying client states with “peaceful” nuclear technology. But as 2006 begins, officials are concerned that dozens of research reactors scattered around the globe could be a source for terrorists seeking to build a nuclear bomb. Many of these reactors still use highly enriched uranium, which would be the fuel of choice for such efforts. Alexander Glaser and Frank N. von Hippel outline ways in which these reactors could be closed or could employ other fuels so as to minimize this danger.” Alexander Glaser, researcher at Princeton University Program on Science and Global Security. Frank N. von Hippel, is a professor of public and international affairs at Princeton. Fulltext

A2 - The Point of No Return
Langewiesche, William
The Atlantic Monthly, v297, #1, January/February 2006, pp96-118
“First Pakistan's A.Q. Khan showed that any country could have made a nuclear bomb. Then he showed - not once but three times - why the nuclear trade will never be shut down.” This article is the second part of a series. William Langewiesche is a national correspondent for The Atlantic. Fulltext

Foreign Policy

A3 - The National Security Strategy of the United States of America
The White House, March 16, 2006. 54p, online edition
America’s continuing commitment to encourage the spread of democracy and meet emerging transnational threats was outlined in the 2006 National Security Strategy released by President Bush on March 16. Mandated by Congress, the strategy updates and expands on the previous edition published in 2002. It serves as a broad statement of the administration’s overall foreign policy goals and objectives. According to a White House fact sheet, the strategy is grounded in two central concepts: Promoting freedom, justice and human dignity, and leading the community of democratic nations to face emerging transnational threats. Fulltext

A4 - David's Friend Goliath
Mandelbaum, Michael
Foreign Policy, Jan/Feb 2006, #152, pp50-57
The U.S. is the subject of endless commentary, most of it negative, some of it poisonously hostile. The charge that the US threatens others is frequently linked to the use of the term "empire" to describe America's international presence. Unlike the great empires of the past, the US goal is to build stable, effective governments and then to leave as quickly as possible. The author argues that, historically, other nations have banded together to provide a check on world powers, yet no such anti-American alignment is taking place. Unlike past empires, U.S. overseas interventions have been few in number, and generally have not been with idea of complete control. Because of America's open political system, any country is able to gain access to Congressional committees with oversight over international relations and foreign policy. In that sense, the U.S. government has become a world government, and has in effect become a mediator over regional conflicts. This article reveals the world's guilty secret which is to enjoys the security and stability the United States provides. The world won't admit it, but they will miss the American empire when it's gone. Michael Mandelbaum, Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies. Fulltext

human rights

A5 - Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005
U.S. Department of State, March 8 2006.
Countries in which power is concentrated in the hands of rulers that cannot be held accountable for their actions were among those cited as having the poorest records on human rights in the U.S. Department of State’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices released March 8. Such regimes, which include the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea), Burma, Iran, Zimbabwe, Cuba, China and Belarus, seriously restrict fundamental human rights enshrined in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion and movement, the State Department said in the introduction to the report. Fulltext

Terrorism

A6 - Assessing the Biological Weapons and Bioterrorism Threat
Leitenberg, Milton
Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College, December 2005, 123p.
Biological weapons (BW) have become a significant national security preoccupation. A variety of events within the past 15 years have shifted the context in which they are considered. These events include such the discovery, between 1989 and 1992, that the Union USSR had violated the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) since its ratification in 1975 by building a massive covert biological weapons program; the corroboration by the UN Special Commission in 1995 that Iraq had maintained a covert biological weapons program since 1974, and had produced and stockpiled large quantities of agents and delivery systems between 1988 and 1991; the discovery, also in 1995, that the Japanese Aum Shinrikyo group, which had carried out the nerve gas attack in the Tokyo subway system, also had spent 4 years attempting - albeit unsuccessfully - to produce and disperse two pathogenic biological agents; the distribution of professionally prepared anthrax spores through the U.S. postal system in the weeks afterwards September 11, 2001; and the discovery in December 2002, after U.S. forces had overrun much of the territory of Afghanistan, that the al-Qaida organization also had spent several years trying to obtain the knowledge and means to produce biological agents. Within 4 years, almost $30 billion in federal expenditure was appropriated to counter the anticipated threat. This report analyses anticipated threat. Milton Leitenberg, Fellow, Senior Scholar, and Senior Research Scholar at the Center for International and Security Studies at the University of Maryland. Fulltext

A7 - Mother.Daughter.Sister.Bomber.
Bloom, Mia
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, Nov/Dec.2005, v61 #6, pp54-62
"This article considers the increasing number of women suicide bombers. The defining characteristics of a suicide bomber, in general, are elusive. Contrary to popular perception, they are not unbalanced sociopaths prone to self-destructive tendencies. These same characteristics apply to women suicide bombers. Through violence women have placed themselves on the front lines, in public, alongside men to whom they are not related. This results in a double trajectory for militant women. However, women who seek empowerment and equality by turning themselves into human bombs merely reinforce the inequalities of their societies, rather than confront them and explode the myths from within." Mia Bloom is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati. Fulltext

A8 - How to Think About Terrorism
Richard K. Betts
Wilson Quarterly, Winter 2006, v30, #1, pp44-49
"The article discusses how intelligence and technology can assist the U.S. in anticipating future terrorist attacks. It provides an overview of the history of terrorist attacks and efforts to prevent terrorism. It discusses the actions taken by the Defense Department to deal with the threat of terrorism." Richard Betts is Leo A. Shifrin Professor and Director of the Institute of War and Peace Studies at Columbia University. Fulltext

Countries/Regions:

Afghanistan

A9 - Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy
Blanchard, Christopher M.
Congressional Research Service RL32686, Jan 25, 2006, online edition, 45p
"Afghanistan’s political transition is proceeding, but insurgent threats to Afghanistan’s government persist. A new constitution was adopted in January 2004, and successful presidential elections were held on October 9, 2004, followed by parliamentary elections on September 18, 2005. This completes the post-Taliban political transition roadmap established at the December 2001 international conference in Bonn, Germany. Afghan citizens are enjoying new personal freedoms
that were forbidden under the Taliban, and women are participating in economic and political life. However, the insurgency led by remnants of the former Taliban regime has conducted numerous lethal attacks since mid-2005, narcotics trafficking is rampant, and independent militias remain throughout the country, although they are
being progressively disarmed. The report of the 9/11 Commission recommended a long-term commitment to stabilize Afghanistan. Legislation passed in December 2004 to implement those recommendations (P.L. 108-458) contains several provisions on Afghanistan. U.S. stabilization measures focus on strengthening the central government and its security forces while combating insurgents..." Christopher M. Blanchard, Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division. Fulltext

A10 - The Future of Afghanistan
Jalali, Ali Ahmad
Parameters, Spring 2006, v36 #1, pp4-19
"Afghanistan is again at a crossroads. One road leads to peace an prosperity; the other leads to the loss of all that has been achieved. Everything depends on the level of international commitment to help Afghanistan emerge from the dark shadows of the instability and violence of its recent past..."This article looks at the challenges and opportunities that face Afghanistan in the post-Bonn period. Specifically it focuses on ways of fostering the long-term development of governance, security, and economic growth in the country. Ali Ahmad Jalali was the Interior Minister of Afghanistan from January 2003 to September 2005; he is now a Distinguished Professor at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies of the National Defense University. Fulltext

Africa

A11 - Why the United States Should Robustly Support Pan-African Organizations
Crupi, Francis V.
Parameters, Winter 2005-2006, v35, #4, pp106-123
"The article presents a reason for why it should be the policy of the United States to support pan-African sub-regional organizations that seek to have Africans help themselves. The author argues that it is in the United States' interest to support sub-regional organizations as a viable way to promote a self-sufficient Africa. A stable and flourishing Africa provides the conditions for political and economic growth and counters the incidence of failed states which can serve as terrorist breeding grounds such as in the Sudan. Countries with a major influence on their neighborhood including South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, and Ethiopia require focused attention." Francis V. Crupi is a Supervisory Logistics Management Specialist at the Naval Inventory Control Point, Mechanicsburg, Pa. Fulltext

A12 - Back to the Future for African Infrastructure? Why State-Ownership Is No More Promising the Second Time Around
Nellis, John
Center for Global Development, February 2006, Working Paper #84, 36p, online edition
"African state-owned enterprises (SOEs), particularly those in infrastructure, have a long history of poor performance. But moves in the 1990s to rely instead on private-sector participation and ownership have yet to deliver the hoped-for improvements. Is a return to SOEs the solution? This paper's author says no. He argues that the prospects for success of Africa's SOEs are no greater now than before, and that private firms still have not been given a real chance...Nonetheless, African states (and their supporters) should not jettison private participation in infrastructure. Rather, Nellis argues, they should acknowledge the limitations of such an approach, and recognize the large scope and moderate pace of the preparatory measures required both to improve the investment climate and to make private participation in infrastructure work effectively." John Nellis is a non-resident senior fellow at the Center for Global Development. Previously, he worked at the World Bank and has authored several books. Fulltext


Balkans

A13 - Kosovo: The Challenge of Transition
International Crisis Group, Europe Report N°170, 17 February 2006, online edition
"The key issue in the current final status process is the creation of a Kosovo that will have the greatest chance of lasting stability and development. While agreement between Belgrade and Pristina remains desirable in theory, it is extremely unlikely that any Serbian government will voluntarily acquiesce to the kind of independence, conditional or limited though it may be, which is necessary for a stable long-term solution. The international community, and in particular the UN Special Envoy charged with resolving the status process, Martti Ahtisaari, must accordingly prepare for the possibility of imposing an independence package for Kosovo, however diplomatically painful that may be in the short term, rather than hoping to finesse Pristina and Belgrade’s differences with an ambiguous solution, or one in which key elements are deferred." The International Crisis Group is an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organization, with over 110 staff members on five continents, working through field-based analysis and high-level advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict. Fulltext

A14 - Kosovo's Moment of Truth
Judah, Tim
Survival, Winter 2005/06, v47, #4, pp73-83
"For the last six years Kosovo has been run as protectorate of the United Nations. That chapter of its history is now coming to an end. Very soon – probably at least by December 2005 – talks should begin on the future status of this territory bitterly disputed between Serbs and Albanians. It is widely expected that, against the wishes of the government in Belgrade, Kosovo will be granted some form of ‘conditional independence’." Tim Judah is the author of Kosovo: War and Revenge and the Serbs, both published by Yale University; he has reported on the Balkans, Afghanistan, Kurdistan, and Iraq for The New York Review.Order Article

China

A15 - China's Pragmatic Nationalism: Is It Manageable?
Zhao, Suisheng
Washington Quarterly, Winter 2006, v29, #1, p131-144
"China's rise as an economic, political, and military power has been accompanied by an outburst of nationalism among its population...Whereas some observers have been cautious about exploring its limits and determining its motivations, others have decried this rise in nationalism as a reckless movement driven by China’s traditional Sino-centrism and contemporary aspirations for great-power status. Richard Bernstein and Ross Munro have previously admonished that, “[d]riven by nationalist sentiment, a yearning to redeem the humiliations of the past, and the simple urge for international power, China is seeking to replace the United States as the dominant power in Asia...” Suisheng Zhao is a professor and executive director of the Center for China-US Cooperation at the Graduate School of International, University of Denver. Order Article


India

A16 - Getting India Right
Khanna, Parag & Raja C. Mohan
Policy Review, Feb/Mar 2006, #135, pp43-62
"India is beginning to rediscover the enduring elements of its own traditional geopolitical thinking and actively considering partnership with America, if only to advance its own interests. Indian Prime minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Washington cemented a growing de facto strategic partnership between the US and India, which will test America's ability to engage an independent democracy that has had no record of security or economic dependence on the US. Khanna and Mohan explore the course of Indo-US relations". Parag Khanna is a fellow at the New America Foundation and author of The Second World, forthcoming from Random House. C. Raja Mohan is strategic affairs editor ofthe Indian Express in New Delhi. Fulltext

Iran

A17 - Patterns of Discontent
Clawson, Patrick; Rubin, Michael
Middle East Review of International Affairs,v10,#1, March 26, 2006, online edition, 17p
While international attention is focused on Iran's nuclear program and President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's bombast, Iranian society itself is facing turbulent times. Increasingly, patterns are re-emerging that mirror events in the years before the Islamic revolution. These include political disillusionment, domestic protest, government failure to match public expectations of economic success, and labor unrest. Nevertheless, the Islamic regime has learned the lessons of the past and is determined not to repeat them, even as political discord crescendos. This essay is derived from the authors' recent book, "Eternal Iran: Continuity and Chaos." Patrick Clawson is deputy director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. Fulltext

A18 - Iran's Conflict With the West is Already Underway
Copley, Gregory R.
Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy, Winter 2006, v34, # 1, pp4-9
"The unexplained disappearance on January 23, 2006, of Iranian Pres. Mahmud Ahmadi-Nejad (pictured), who failed to show up for a meeting with Iraqi Shi'a cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, head of the so-called "Imam Mehdi Army", raised immediate questions as to whether the Iranian clerical leadership was preparing to "go underground" in preparation for a confrontation with Israel and the US..." Gregory R. Copley, Editor at Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy.
Fulltext

Iraq

A19 - Seeing Baghdad, Thinking Saigon
Stephen Biddle
Foreign Affairs, March/April 2006, v85, #2, pp2-14
“Most discussions of U.S. policy in Iraq assume that it should be informed by the lessons of Vietnam. But the conflict in Iraq today is a communal civil war, not a Maoist "people's war," and so those lessons are not valid. "Iraqization," in particular, is likely to make matters worse, not better.” Stephen Biddle is a Senior Fellow in Defense Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations and the author of Military Power. Fulltext

A20 - The Iraqi Insurgency and the Risk of Civil War: Who Are the Players?
Cordesman, Anthony H.
Center for Strategic and International Studies, CSIS report, March 1, 2006, online edition, 124p "Attention has focused on the possibility of a civil war in Iraq since the recent bombing of a Shi’ite shrine there. Anthony Cordesman, who holds CSIS’s Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, examines this topic more closely in a new analysis of the insurgency’s major actors." In this in-depth report the author examines the roles of the different religious and ethnic groups in Iraq as well as the influence of neighboring Syria and Iran. Anthony Cordesman, who holds CSIS’s Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, examines this topic more closely in a new analysis of the insurgency’s major actors. Fulltext

A21 - A Switch in Time: A New Strategy for America in Iraq
Pollack, Kenneth M.
Saban Center Analysis, Number 7, February 15, 2006 online edition, 142p
"There is no greater foreign policy challenge for the United States today than the reconstruction of Iraq. For this reason, in November-December 2005, the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution brought together a small group of experts on Iraq, on the process of political and economic reconstruction, and on military affairs, under the direction of its Director of Research, Kenneth M. Pollack, to consider U.S. policy toward Iraq in all of its dimensions. Pollack then took the fruits of these discussions, along with findings from trips to Iraq and to U.S. Central Command headquarters in Tampa, and crafted them into a new report from the Saban Center entitled A Switch in Time: A New Strategy for America in Iraq. This monograph details a comprehensive, alternative approach to current U.S. military, political, and economic policies in Iraq." Kenneth Pollack is the Director of Research at the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at The Brookings Institution. Fulltext

A22 - Humanitarian Intervention and the War in Iraq: Norms, Discourse, and State Practice
Heinze, Eric A.
Parameters, Spring 2006, v36, #1, pp20-34
"Critics of the humanitarian argument contend that under most criteria for a legitimate humanitarian intervention, the use of force for humanitarian purposes may be used only in the most extreme and exceptional cases of genocide or mass slaughter. The reasoning here is twofold. First, we would not want military force used in cases of minor or small-scale abuses for the simple fact that the harm caused by the intervention would eclipse the harm that it sought to avert. Second, we want to reserve the military option for only those extreme and exceptional cases (such as genocide or mass slaughter), so as to avoid creating an excuse for waging war every time there is a nasty regime that demonstrates something less than the ideal complement of human rights..." The author argues that if the idea of humanitarian intervention falls from grace because of its association with the Iraq-U.S. conflict as well as the U.S. war on terror, then a valuable instrument in the tool kit of human rights strategies may be rendered undeservedly useless. Dr. Eric A. Heinze is Assistant Professor in Political Science and International and Area Studies at the University of Oklahoma. Fulltext


North Korea

A23 - The Twin Peaks of Pyongyang
Hassig, Ralph C. and Kongdan Oh
Orbis, Winter 2005/06, v50, #1, pp5-21
The United States has been negotiating with North Korea in an effort to have it renounce its nuclear program for over a decade, ever since Washington negotiated an agreed framework in 1994. In this time, North Korea has only amassed more plutonium. The negotiations are hindered by mutual distrust and hostility... It is the Kim regime that is the core problem. Until the regime is removed, there can be no durable peace in the region. The author suggests that since any attempt to remove the Kim regime militarily would entail huge costs, Washington might consider a third option: directly engaging the North Korean people. Ralph C. Hassig is a Washington, D.C.-based consultant on North Korea and an adjunct professor of psychology at the University of Maryland College. Kongdan Oh is a research staff member at the institute for Defense Analyses, and a non-resident senior fellow at the Brookings Institute. Order Article

Russia

A24 - New Challenges for Putin’s Foreign Policy
Tsygankov, Andrei P.
Orbis, Winter 2005/06, v50, #1, pp153-165
"This article evaluates Russia's foreign policy after Vladimir Putin’s reelection as president in March 2004. New challenges such as the intensification of terrorist activities in the Northern Caucasus, the Orange Revolution, the destabilization of Central Asia, and the refusal by some European States to attend the celebration of the sixtieth anniversary over fascism hosted in Moscow became important tests of Putin's strategy of great-power pragmatism..." Andrei P.Tsygankov is associate Professor at the San Francisco State University. Order Article

A25 - Russia's Wrong Direction: What the United States Can Do and Should Do
Independent Task Force Report #57, Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), March 2006, online edition, 96p
Fifteen years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, “U.S.-Russia relations are clearly headed in the wrong direction,” finds an Independent Task Force on U.S. policy toward Russia sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations. “Contention is crowding out consensus. The very idea of a ‘strategic partnership’ no longer seems realistic," it concludes.” The bipartisan Task Force was chaired by former Senator John Edwards and former Congressman and Housing and Urban Development Secretary Jack Kemp and directed by Council Senior Fellow Stephen Sestanovich." Fulltext

Turkey

A26 - Will the European Union Allow Turkey In?
Hakki, Murat
American Foreign Policy Interests, December 2005, v27, #5, pp395-401
"The Europeans fought the Turks and tried to drive them away from Europe for about
16 centuries beginning in 452 C.E., when Attila, the emperor of the Huns, besieged Rome. The Turks almost achieved their goal in the 1912–1913 Balkan War. Almost 90 years later, circumstances brought them to the gates of Brussels as a candidate for European Union (EU) membership. The most advanced stage Turkey reached in the process of accession came with the EU’s decision to begin negotiations on October 3, 2005. The success of the government in Turkey should be acknowledged with respect, for it reached a point no Turkish cabinet had reached until then. It is obvious, however, that the repercussions of the December 17, 2004, decision to begin negotiations should not be overestimated because Turkey still faces ambiguous prospects based on the imposition of special conditions on the country, and compromises may be necessary in the future. Murat Metin Hakki is an AM candidate in Middle Eastern Studies at Harvard University. Order Article



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