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International Security

May 2006

Arms Control | Defense Policy | Foreign Policy | Terrorism | United Nations |

Countries/Regions: Afghanistan | Africa | Balkans |Iran | Iraq | Israel | Latin America | Middle East | North Korea | Russia |

Arms control

A1 - Preventing Catastrophic Nuclear Terrorism
Ferguson, Charles D.
Council on Foreign Relations Press, March 2006, 31p.
This report “makes clear what is needed to reduce the possibility of nuclear terrorism. It identifies where efforts have fallen short in securing and eliminating nuclear weapons and weapons-usable nuclear materials, and it offers realistic recommendations to plug these gaps in the U.S. and international response. In particular, the report argues that United States should pursue unilateral initiatives such as a clear declaration of retaliation against regimes aiding nuclear terrorists, multilateral initiatives that include increasing funding to the woefully underfunded International Atomic Energy Agency, and bilateral initiatives and dialogue, particularly with Pakistan and Russia. […]This report is a clear primer on a critical subject and a set of practical proposals that policymakers would be wise to consider carefully. It is also a valuable resource for students and interested citizens alike.” Charles D. Ferguson is a fellow for science and technology at the Council on Foreign Relations. He is also an adjunct Assistant Professor in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and an adjunct lecturer at the Johns Hopkins University. Fulltext

A2 - Resolution 1540: Universalizing Export Control Standards?
Jones, Scott
Arms Control Today, May 2006, vol. 36, no. 4, online edition
In 2004 the UN Security Council passed a resolution (Resolution 1540) to “criminalize the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction by and to nonstate actors”. This resolution was explicitly intended to fill a loophole in the existing nonproliferation treaties. A UN committee formed to monitor the countries’ implementation of the legal obligations now issued an assessment of the resolution’s success. “The assessment is mixed. The resolution has played a valuable role in spurring a more focused and sustained effort to create a truly international standard for export controls beyond those of the limited current multilateral regimes. Yet, both the report and the committee’s work illustrate distinct problems with transparency, resources, guidance, awareness, and mandate. If the committee’s extension is to prove truly useful, these issues need to be addressed.” Scott Jones is a senior Research Associate at the Center for International Trade & Security at the University of Georgia. Fulltext


Defense Policy

A3 - U.S. Special Operations Forces (SOF): Background and Issues for Congress
Feickert, Andrew
Congressional Research Service (CRS) Report for Congress, RS21048, April 17, 2006, 6p
“Special Operations Forces (SOF) are small, elite military units with special training and equipment that can infiltrate into hostile territory through land, sea, or air to conduct a variety of operations, many of them classified. SOF personnel undergo rigorous selection and lengthy, specialized training. […] Special Operations Forces (SOF) play a significant role in U.S. military operations and the Administration has given U.S. SOF forces greater responsibility for planning and conducting worldwide counterterrorism operations. The 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) has called for a 15% increase in special operations forces beginning in FY2007.“ Andrew Feickert is Specialist in National Defense at the Congressional Research Service. Fulltext

A4 - A Balanced Force Structure To Achieve a Liberal World Order
Owens, Mackubin Thomas
Orbis, Spring 2006, v50, #2, pp307-325
“The military component of the nation’s security strategy requires a balanced force that can be employed across the spectrum of conflict. […] By spending 4.5 percent of GDP on defense and with the right force mix, America will be able to lead coalitions against terrorists, restore order to unstable regions, do peacekeeping in regions of vital interest, deter aggression, and win a war if deterrence fails.” Mackubin Thomas Owens is Professor of National-Security Affairs at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. Fulltext


Foreign Policy

A5 - Democratization, Order, and American Foreign Policy
Hay, William Anthony
E-Notes, Foreign Policy Research Institute, April 2006, online edition
"Can democracy be imposed on societies from the outside? Experience indicates that democracy requires a particular combination of institutions and informed public opinion. Outside efforts to impose change typically bring unforeseen consequences that may result in neither stability nor democracy. Indeed, a comparative overview of the history of democracy points towards a reassessment of current U.S. policy, to bring ends and means in line." William Anthony Hay is Assistant Professor of history at Mississippi State University and author of The Whig Revival, 1808-1830 (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2005).This E-note and a related article in the Winter 2006 Orbis are based on a presentation he made to FPRI’s Study Group on America and the West on September 12, 2005, in Philadelphia. Fulltext

A6 - The Struggle for Democracy
Horowitz, Irving Louis
National Interest, No. 83, Spring 2006, pp. 114-120
Promotion of democracy is the stated foreign policy objective of the Bush administration, which it pursues with unabated fervor. However, the author claims that there is no clear definition of what democracy constitutes. “[T]he Bush Administration should demonstrate an understanding of what the principal schools of thought on democracy are in formulating their strategy for advancing global democratic progress. The current U.S. policy appears to be so ad hoc that it lacks a degree of coherence and guiding principles. The administration should not follow normative blueprints, but it should exhibit a greater understanding of normative theories and a sense of what the foundation of a democracyis. At the very least, the administrative should acknowledge that elections do not comprise democracy.” Horowitz reflects on the dominant schools of thought, formulated by Dahl, Gibson and Rawls, regarding democracy and their applicability to U.S. foreign policy doctrine. Irving Louis Horowitz is Hannah Arendt Distinguished University Professor Emeritus at Rutgers University. Fulltext

A7 - America Confronts the Asian Century
Abramowitz, Morton, Bosworth, Stephen
Current History, April 2006, pp. 147-152
"The concept of East Asia as a region began as mainly a Western geographical expression. This area, encompassing the countries from Japan and China through Southeast Asia to Burma, became embedded in the organizational thinking of Western foreign ministries, including the State Department, but East Asia was never a very coherent geographical entity. To the extent that East Asian countries and peoples had common characteristics, they were primarily the legacy of China's cultural influence and Western imperialism. Abramowitz and Bosworth discusses how the US confronts the Asian history." Morton Abramowitz is a Senior Fellow at The Century Foundation. Stephen Bosworth is Dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. Order Article

A8 - Strategies For Managing Rogue States
Dueck, Colin
Orbis, Spring 2006, v50, #2, pp223-241
"In the ongoing debates on how to manage relations with rogue states such as North Korea and Iran, the opposing policies of both hawks and doves are unrealistic in their pure forms. Throughout American history, presidents have faced the same choices the Bush administration now has when dealing with adversaries abroad: appeasement, engagement, containment, rollback, and non-entanglement. Each of these five basic strategic alternatives has potential advantages and risks. In analyzing how these have applied to U.S. relations with Iraq, North Korea, and Iran -- the so-called axis of evil -- it becomes clear that rollback and appeasement are the riskiest options and containment the most promising. Elements of diplomacy, however, can be used in conjunction with a primapolicy of containment to head off threats from rogue states." Colin Dueck is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Colorado, Boulder. Order Article

Terrorism

A9 - A War on Jihadism – Not Terror
Rauch, Jonathan
National Journal, April 15, 2006, v38, #15, pp18-19
“In last month’s National Security Strategy, the administration declared, “America is at war.” But who precisely is the enemy?” In this piece the author examines the language behind the U.S. administration’s “war on terror”. Citing several politicians and other U.S. policy experts, Rauch advocates for the term “jihadism”, denominating a radical, violent and imperialistic religious ideology associated with Islam. Jonathan Rauch is a writer for the National Journal. Fulltext

A10 -
Currents and Crosscurrents of Radical Islamism
Report of the Center for Strategic and International Studies Transatlantic Dialogue on Terrorism, April 2006, 32p.
“In September 2005, “The Transatlantic Dialogue on Terrorism” began its second phase of work by convening three international conferences to examine various issues associated with the current state of the radical Islamic threat. These conferences, attended by a mix of American and European experts, examined topics including the dynamics of radicalization, the role of the Internet as both an ideological and operation tool, the perception of the Iraq conflict in the minds of the Muslim diaspora and the dynamic between local grievances and the global jihadist movement. The phase two report, "Currents and Crosscurrents of Radical Islamism," represents the culmination of insights gathered over the course of these three conferences (Berlin, June 2005, Washington D.C, September 2005 and The Hague, December 2005). Featuring the voices of numerous participants from academia, government and think tanks on both sides of the Atlantic, the report represents the current thinking of a multi-disciplinary network of experts.” The Center for Strategic and International Studies is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. with more than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated experts. Fulltext

United Nations

A11 - United Nations System Funding: Congressional Issues
Congressional Research Report for Congress, Library of Congress Washington D.C., Updated March 30, 2006, 18 p.
“The United States has been and remains the single largest contributor to the U.N. system…. In recent years however, Congress has been pressing to reduce U.S. funding for many U.N. system programs." The report gives an overview on the U.N. System Financing, the budgets, the programs and the U.S. funding for the FY 2005 – 2007. Marjorie Ann Browne and Vita Bite are researchers in the Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division of the Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. Fulltext

Countries/Regions:

Afghanistan

A12 - The Pashtun Factor: Is Afghanistan Next In Line for an Ethnic Civil War
Consolatore, Dan
The Humanist, May/Jun2006, v66 #3, pp10-13
“The article examines the possibility for an ethnic civil war in Afghanistan. Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the U.S. troops have liberated Afghan men and women from the hated Taliban -- which gained positive response from citizens. There are indications that Arabs and non-Afghan extremists are responsible for the prevalence of suicide bombings in the region. […] [T]he suicide bombings in Afghanistan are symptomatic of a worsening situation and, if the country's largest and titular ethnic group comes to feel that they don't have a stake in the reconstruction process, those attacks may be a bellwether of an Iraq-like civil war, where wariness of one's neighbors becomes an attitude of "get them before they get us." U.S. commanders have begun to embrace, at least in rhetoric, the need to prioritize the political and psychological struggle for the "hearts and minds" of the Pashtun population.” Dan Consolatore served as a research consultant to former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright for her forthcoming book, The Mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on America, God, and World Affairs. Fulltext

A13 - Afghanistan's Uncertain Transition from Turmoil to Normalcy
Rubin, Dr. Barnett R.
Council on Foreign Relations Press, April 2006, 56p, online edition
"Afghanistan’s Uncertain Transition argues that Afghanistan is still far from stability. While the country has reestablished basic institutions of government, it has barely started to make them work. The government and its international supporters are challenged by a terrorist insurgency that has become more lethal and effective and that has bases in Pakistan, a drug trade that dominates the economy and corrupts the state, and pervasive poverty and insecurity. The Afghanistan Compact, approved in January 31, 2006, provides a road map for security, governance, and development over the next five years. The United States should take the lead in ensuring full funding and implementation of the Afghanistan Compact, and develop a coherent strategy toward the Afghanistan-Pakistan relationship. This strategy would entail pushing the Pakistani government to arrest Taliban leaders whose locations are provided by intelligence agencies and taking aggressive measures to close down the networks supporting suicide bombers." Dr. Barnett R. Rubin is Senior Fellow and Director of Studies at the Center on International Cooperation at New York University. Fulltext

Africa

A14 - Mali’s Unlikely Democracy
Pringle, Robert
Wilson Quarterly, Spring 2006, pp31-39
"Despite persistent poverty and ongoing turmoil in neighboring states, in a single decade Mali has launched one of the most successful democracies in Africa. Its political record includes three democratic elections and two peaceful transitions of power, a transformation that seems nothing short of amazing." Robert Pringle is historian and retired Foreign Service Officer, served as U.S. ambassador to Mali from 1987 to 1990. He is the author of three books on Southeast Asian history, most recently A Short History of Bali - Indonesia's Hindu Realm (2004). Fulltext

Balkans

A15 - Balkans Cooperation on War Crimes Issues
Kim, Julie
CRS Report [RS22097], March 26, 2006, 6p, online edition
“The United States and the European Union, often in conjunction with ICTY’s Office of the Prosecutor, have frequently wielded explicit conditionality policies in order to foster improved Balkan cooperation with ICTY. Securing the region in a stable and prosperous Euro-Atlantic zone, as opposed to an area of incomplete postwar transition susceptible to destabilizing trends or criminal elements, remains a shared goal. On the incentive side, western officials have expressed continued support for the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the western Balkan states and for moving forward in these integration processes, some of which have lagged primarily over limited ICTY cooperation. All of the western Balkan states have made closer ties to NATO and especially the EU a key strategic priority. At the same time, officials also emphasize that these processes cannot be completed until the Balkan states adhere to standards on international commitments and the rule of law, especially with regard to meeting obligations on ICTY cooperate on and overcoming the legacy of the wartime years.” This report describes the cooperation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia and Montenegro with the ICTY. Julie Kim is Specialist in International Relations, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division of the Congressional Research Service.
Fulltext

Iran

A16 - The Nuclear Challenge from Iran
Gordon, Philip H.
The Brookings Institution, Center on the United States and Europe, Foresight Magazine, May 2006, online edition
In this article the author assesses several policy options of the international community in regard to Iran’s failure to end its nuclear enrichment efforts. Gordon argues for strong economic consequences but advocates against a military solution. “In the end, Iran must be presented with a clear choice: It can become an impoverished, isolated pariah state with nuclear weapons-like North Korea-or it can begin to reintegrate with the international community, meet the needs of its people and preserve its security in exchange for forgoing this capability. The choice will be for the Iranians to make. But a united international community can force them to make it.” Philip H. Gordon is Director of the Center on the United States and Europe at the Brookings Institution. Fulltext

A17 - The Oil Shield
Dickey, Christopher
Foreign Policy, May/June 2006, #154, pp37-39
“For almost four years now, efforts by Europe and the US to curb Tehran's nuclear designs have vacillated between threats and appeasement. The basic arithmetic is simple. There is just barely enough oil in today's market to meet the global demand for about 85 million barrels a day. Iran exports about 2.7 million barrels a day. If an international embargo, a military attack, or a political decision in Tehran took that Iranian oil off the market, prices could well soar from the current price of around $60 a barrel to $90 a barrel or higher. There are no sanctions on the oil sector in Iran that will not hurt the whole world at the same time. The tight market and high prices provide them not only with a shield but with the high cards. So Iran is in a hurry to push ahead with its nuclear program before its oil shield is lost.” Christopher Dickey is Middle East Editor for Newsweek magazine. Fulltext

A18 - The Nuclear Power Beside Iraq
Fallows, James
The Atlantic Monthly, May 2006, v297, #4, pp31-32
The author compares today’s U.S. policy options regarding Iran with those one and a half years ago. Pointing out that Iran now poses a greater threat and that the U.S. is under pressure to act vigorously while, at the same time, a preemptive-strike is highly unadvisable, Fallows paints a rather bleak image of overall U.S. foreign policy. “The inconvenient truth of American foreign policy is that the last five years have left us with a series of choices-and all of them are bad. The United States can't keep troops in Iraq indefinitely, for obvious reasons. It can't withdraw them, because of the chaos that would ensue. […] Similarly, the United States can't accept Iran's emergence as a nuclear power, but it cannot prevent this through military means-unless it is willing to commit itself to all-out war.” James Fallows is a national correspondent for “The Atlantic”. Fulltext

Iraq

A19 - The Threat Saddam Posed
Lacey, James
National Review, April 10, 2006, v58, #6, pp26-33
“The article discusses the fact that Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs) were not found in Iraq during the Iraq war. A report by the Iraqi Survey Group suggests that Saddam Hussein was preparing to initiate a WMD program the moment sanctions ended, an event that was only stopped by the United States' invasion of Iraq.” James Lacey is a Washington-based journalist who has written articles for several U.S. magazines and journals. Fulltext

A20 - Cut and Run? You Bet
Odom, William E.
Foreign Policy, May/June 2006, #154, pp60-61
“Withdraw immediately or stay the present course is they key question about the war in Iraq today. American public opinion is now decidedly against the war. The prewar dream of a liberal Iraqi democracy friendly to the US is no longer credible. Still, US President George W. Bush says the US must stay the course. The following are his administration's most popular arguments for not leaving Iraq: 1. If they leave, there will be a civil war. 2. Withdrawal will encourage the terrorists. 3. Before US forces stand down, Iraqi security forces must stand up. 4. Setting a withdrawal deadline will damage the morale of US troops. 5. Withdrawal would undermine US credibility in the world. Only with a rapid withdrawal from Iraq will Washington regain diplomatic and military mobility. Lt. Gen. William E. Odom (Ret.) is Senior Fellow at the Hudson Institute and Professor at Yale University. He was Director of the National Security Agency from 1985 to 1988. Fulltext

A21 - Saddam’s Delusions: The View From the Inside
Woods, Kevin; Lacey, James; Murray, Williamson
Foreign Affairs, May/June 2006, v85, #3, pp. 2-25, online edition
“The fall of Baghdad in April 2003 opened one of the most secretive and brutal governments in history to outside scrutiny. For the first time since the end of World War II, American analysts did not have to guess what had happened on the other side of a conflict but could actually read the defeated enemy's documents and interrogate its leading figures. To make the most of this unique opportunity, the U.S. Joint Forces Command (USJFCOM) commissioned a comprehensive study of the inner workings and behavior of Saddam Hussein's regime based on previously inaccessible primary sources. Drawing on interviews with dozens of captured senior Iraqi military and political leaders and hundreds of thousands of official Iraqi documents (hundreds of them fully translated), this two-year project has changed our understanding of the war from the ground up. The study was partially declassified in late February; its key findings are presented here.” Kevin Woods is a defense analyst in Washington, D.C. James Lacey is a military analyst for the U.S. Joint Forces Command. Williamson Murray is Class of 1957 Distinguished Visiting Professor of History at the U.S. Naval Academy. Fulltext

Israel

A22 - Will Israel Blast the Iranian Bomb?
Karpin, Michael
The American Enterprise, March 2006, v17, #2, pp38-39
“ The idea of nuclear weapons in the hands of a dangerous enemy like Iran is unacceptable to nearly all Israelis. There is no chance that Israel will reconcile itself to living with nuclear threats from the ayatollahs. If Iran continues on the path to atomic weaponry, is Israel capable of acting to eliminate that danger?” In this article the author assesses the feasibility of an Israeli attack on Iran and the role of the Mossad in its preparations. Michael Karpin is a veteran Israeli reporter and author of the new book The Bomb in the Basement, from which this is adapted. Fulltext

A23 - What Israel Did (and Did Not) Vote For

Halkin, Hillel
Commentary, May 2006, v121, #5, pp37-44
The author provides a thorough analysis of the recent Israeli elections with respect to the mandate of a future Israeli government regarding disengagement in the West Bank. “Israel’s political system has a long history of mergers and fissures, with smaller parties joining to form larger ones and splitting again in new ways. Up to the day it was held, this year's March 28 election seemed certain to be remembered for the most recent and dramatic of such splits: Ariel Sharon's walking out of the Likud last November to form the new Kadima party, which his January stroke prevented him from leading in the campaign. Contemplating the election's returns, however, one wonders whether the real bolt wasn't a different one, in which the Israeli public walked out on national politics. Hillel Alkins who lives in Israel is a columnist for the Jerusalem Post and the New York Sun. Fulltext

Latin America

A24 - Latin America's Left Turn
Castañeda, Jorge G.
Foreign Affairs, May/June 2006, v85, #3, pp28-43, online edition
"This article discusses political change in Latin America. Despite enjoying widespread economic and democratic growth the political climate in Latin America in 2006 rapidly changed. Starting with Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez's election in 1998 a wave of leftist leaders, parties, and movements swept into power across Latin America. This shift in political power can be attributed to Latin America's extreme inequality of wealth and power. However, these reformed communist leaders are strikingly different from their forebears in their relations with the U.S. Anti-Americanism has waned and these leaders are instead focusing on implementing programs for social reform. These changes indicate the possibility of positive relations between the U.S. and communist-run Latin American countries." Jorge G. Castaneda is the author of Utopia Unarmed: The Latin American Left After the Cold War and Compañero: The Life and Death of Che Guevara. Having resigned as Mexico's Foreign Minister in 2003, he is currently Professor of Politics and Latin American Studies at New York University. Fulltext

MIddle East

A25 - The First Law of Petropolitics
Friedman, Thomas L.
Foreign Policy, May/June 2006, #154, pp28-36
“Because the rising price of crude is certain to be a major factor shaping international relations for the near future, people must try to understand any connections it has with the character and direction of global politics. The First Law of Petropolitics posits the following: The price of oil and the pace of freedom always move in opposite directions in oil-rich petrolist states. According to the First Law of Petropolitics, the higher the average global crude oil price rises, the more free speech, free press, free and fair elections, an independent judiciary, the rule of law, and independent political parties are eroded. […]Politically, that will mean that a whole group of petrolist states with weak institutions or outright authoritarian governments will likely experience an erosion of freedoms and an increase in corruption and autocratic, antidemocratic behaviors.” Thomas L. Friedman is a columnist for the New York Times and author of several books, including, most recently, The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century. Fulltext

A26 - Hamas Triumphant. Implications for Security Politics, Economy, and Strategy
Satloff, Robert (Editor)
Policy Focus #53, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, February 2006, 72p.
“The purpose of this collection is to inform policy in the very near term. Drafted within days of the Hamas victory, these essays are designed to explain who Hamas is, what the implications are of its electoral success for politics and security in the Arab-Israeli arena, and how the United States and its international partners can best respond to this new challenge. In the months to come, ample time will be available to assess longer-term implications, including the dangerous impact that the empowerment of Hamas could have on the ambitions of Islamist movements throughout the region and the importance of recalibrating how America pursues its still-worthy objective of promoting democracy in the broader Middle East.”Robert Satloff is Executive Director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Fulltext

A27 - Islamist Movements and the Democratic Process in the Arab World: Exploring the Gray Zones
Brown, Nathan; Hamzawy, Amr ; Ottaway, Marina S
Carnegie Paper No. 67, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, March 2006, 24p.
“In a new Carnegie Paper, Carnegie Endowment experts Brown, Hamzawy, and Ottaway discuss the continuing ambiguity amongst Islamists on fundamental democracy and human rights issues. ”Islamist Movements and the Democratic Process in the Arab World: Exploring Gray Zones” seeks to move beyond stark views of the Islamist challenge as either a democratizing force or an extreme threat to democracy and to present a nuanced view of the position of Islamist parties. The authors consider mainstream movements in Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, and Bahrain, analyzing not only where the movements stand but also where they have yet to develop clear positions. In view of the recent victory by Hamas in Palestine and the electoral success of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Egyptian elections, understanding the thinking of Islamist movements is more important than ever.” Nathan J. Brown, Amr Hamzawy, and Marina Ottaway are Senior Associates at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Combined, they have authored more than ten books on issues including democracy promotion in the Middle East and Arab politics.Fulltext

North Korea

A28 - Kim Jong Il and North Korea: The Leader and the System
Scobell, Andrew
[U.S. Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute Monograph] March 2006, 58p.
The author, associate research professor at the U.S. Army War College, explores North Korea's political dynamics and seeks to shed light on Pyongyang's political system and its leader. He contends that the system is best conceived as a totalitarian regime that, although weakened, remains remarkably resilient. After analyzing the key elements of totalitarianism, he argues that the system's greatest test will probably come after the death of Kim Jong Il. While the totalitarian regime may not long survive Kim's passing, one cannot assume that the system will collapse. Rather, the end of totalitarianism may simply mean that the DPRK will enter a new "post-totalitarian" phase similar to the paths taken by other communist systems such as the Soviet Union and China. This monograph is the second in a series titled "Demystifying North Korea" published by the Strategic Studies Institute. Forthcoming monographs will examine the military, economic dimensions, and future scenarios for North Korea. Andres Scobell is Associate Research Professor at the Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College; and Adjunct Professor of political science at Dickinson College. Fulltext

Russia

A29 - Russia's Wrong Direction: What the United States Can and Should Do
Edwards, John ; Kemp; Jack ; Sestanovich, Stephen; Kennan, George F.
Council on Foreign Relations, March 2006, 104p, online edition
“The United States has generally enjoyed good relations with Russia since the dissolution of the Soviet Union fifteen years ago. Washington, Moscow, and the world have benefited from this cooperation on issues ranging from weapons proliferation to counter-terrorism after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In recent years, however, particularly during the second term of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Russian society and foreign policy have continued tochange in ways that raise questions and cause problems for the United States. The Council on Foreign Relations established an Independent Task Force in the spring of 2005 to take stock of developments in Russia, assess the U.S.-Russian relationship, and offer a broad strategy and a set of recommendations for U.S. policymakers in light of these developments." Politicians John Edwards, Jack Kemp served as Chairs for the report. Stephen Sestanovich, George F. Kennan, are Senior Fellow for Russian and Eurasian Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations.
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