| December 2005
Foreign Policy | Arms Control | Defense Policy | Terrorism
| United Nations
Countries/Regions: Afghanistan | Africa | Balkans | China | Iran | Iraq | North Korea | Turkey
A1 - America's Place in the World 2005: An Investigation
of the Attitudes of American Opinion Leaders and the American
Public about International Affairs
Pew Research Center for the People & the Press in association
with the Council on Foreign Relations. November 2005, 112p
"Produced in collaboration with the Council on Foreign Relations,
this quadrennial study examines the foreign policy attitudes of
the U.S. general public and U.S. opinion leaders -- state and
local government officials; security and foreign affairs experts;
military officers; news media, university, think tank, and religious
leaders; and scientists and engineers. Conducted from September
5 to October 31, 2005, the survey reflects the major changes in
the world that have occurred since the previous poll was taken
just prior to the 9/11 attacks. Principal findings indicate that,
preoccupied with war abroad and growing problems at home, U.S.
opinion leaders and the general public are taking a decidedly
cautious view of America's place in the world." [Note: Contains
copyrighted material.] Fulltext
A2 - Nuclear Nonproliferation: IAEA Has Strengthened
Its Safeguards and Nuclear Security Programs, but Weaknesses Need
to Be Addressed
United States Government Accountability Office, Report to
Congressional Requesters, October 7, 2005, 84p
"The International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) safeguards
system has been a cornerstone of U.S. efforts to prevent nuclear
weapons proliferation since the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) was adopted in 1970. IAEA has strengthened
its safeguards system and increased efforts to combat nuclear
terrorism by helping countries secure nuclear and radioactive
material and facilities. This report identifies the steps IAEA
has taken to strengthen safeguards, assesses the challenges in
implementing strengthened safeguards, identifies U.S. financial
support for safeguards, and describes IAEA's efforts to help secure
nuclear material and facilities." Fulltext
A3 - 2005 Carnegie International Non-Proliferation Conference
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 7-8,
2005.
Featuring this year's Nobel Peace Prize Winner and IAEA Director-General
Mohamed ElBaradei as well as other high ranking nonproliferation
experts, the conference attracted more than 800 participants from
all over the world. Among the issues discussed were hot topics
like Iran's nuclear program, terrorism involving nuclear materials
and the North Korea negotiations. The conference website includes
transcripts of the breakout panels, panel descriptions, summaries,
prepared remarks and powerpoint presentations as well as pictures
and audio files. Fulltext
A4 - The Wrath of Khan
Langewiesche, William
The Atlantic Monthly, November 2005, v296, #4, pp62-85
Pakistan's nuclear arsenal is a source of great national pride,
and Abdul Qadeer Khan, the scientist who built up the country's
nuclear-weapons program, is regarded as a national hero. Langewiesche
writes that A.Q. Khan had "become something of a demigod"
in Pakistan, wealthy and with an outsize ego to match, openly
flaunting his prominence and giving large amounts of money to
foundations and charities. His downfall began in January 2004,
when the U.S. intercepted a German ship, the BBC China, carrying
nuclear materials bound for Libya, and Libya, subsequently renouncing
its nuclear ambitions, named the Khan Research Laboratories as
the supplier. Pakistani Pres. Pervez Musharraf rebuked Khan, who
publicly apologized and was then put under indefinite house arrest.
Langewiesche extensively chronicles the rise of A.Q. Khan in this
first of two articles on Pakistan's nuclear program and its role
in the spread of nuclear technology." William Langewiesche
is a national correspondent for The Atlantic. Fulltext
A5 - Base Politics
Cooley, Alexander
Foreign Affairs; Nov/Dec 2005, v84, #6, pp79-92
"This article focuses on United States military bases in
foreign countries. The author maintains that the U.S. should rethink
its practice of setting up bases in nondemocratic countries because
the practice does not promote liberalization in host states and
sometimes can endanger U.S. security. The author argues that U.S.
military planners are more interested in a base's utility than
in changing or reforming the local political climate. In ignoring
violations of democratic values in order to preserve foreign military
base deals, the U.S. exposes itself to charges of hypocrisy and
opportunism." Alexander Cooley is Assistant Professor
of Political Science at Barnard College, Columbia University,
and was a Transatlantic Fellow of the German Marshall Fund of
the United States in 2004-5. Fulltext
A6 - When Government Regulations Hinder Security: Shoulder-Fired
Missile Defenses
Kochems, Alane & Gentilli, David G.
Heritage Foundation Backgrounder #1902, December 7, 2005.
4p
The authors describe the legal and political obstacles that hinder
the development of countermeasures against shoulder-fired missiles.
Shoulder-fired missiles or MANPADS pose a threat not only to military
but also to civilian aircraft. The authors estimate that these
anti-aircraft missiles were responsible for having "brought
down 25 civilian aircraft, killing more than 600 people."
They argue that "...minor modifications of legislation and
export regulations, an improved process for export controls, and
improved technology integrated into an overall system will serve
American homeland security interests while preventing military
technology from falling into the wrong hands." Alane
Kochems is a Policy Analyst for National Security and David D.
Gentilli is a Research Assistant in the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom
Davis Institute for International Studies at The Heritage Foundation.
Fulltext
A7 - Tomorrow's Air Warfare: A German Perspective on
the Way Ahead
Graefe, Frank
Air & Space Power Journal, Fall 2005, v19, #3, pp39-44
How can NATO members keep up with US technological superiority
so that the NATO alliance remains a functioning cooperation? Drawing
on the U.S. military strategic-policy during "Operation Iraqi
Freedom", the author examines several components, mainly
concerning aircrafts, of this "high-tech war". In his
conclusion, Graefe argues that "...we have crossed the threshold
of a new form of warfare. A nation that does not follow this development
will find itself unable to meet the standards required of a coalition
partner in future wars. By implementing the NATO Response Force,
the alliance has demonstrated its understanding of this message.
NATO seriously approaches transformation by reorganizing alliance
structures, armed forces, and capabilities. Doing so will serve
to gradually close the often quoted transatlantic gap in the fields
of technology and the conduct of operations, thus strengthening
NATO as the key transatlantic link." Lt Col Frank M.
Graefe is commander, 2nd Squadron, Fighter Wing 71 "Richthofen,"
Wittmund Air Base, Germany. Fulltext
A8 - Passive Sponsors of Terrorism
Byman, Daniel L.
Survival, Winter 2005, v47, #4, pp117-144
?Open and active state sponsorship of terrorism is blessedly rare,
and it has decreased since the end of the Cold War. Yet this lack
of open support does not necessarily diminish the important role
that states play in fostering or hindering terrorism. At times,
the greatest contribution a state can make to a terrorist's cause
is by not acting. A border not policed, a blind eye turned to
fundraising, or even the toleration of recruitment all help terrorists
build their organisations, conduct operations and survive... Despite
the importance of what I call 'passive sponsors' of terrorism,
we lack any comprehensive understanding of their role. As a result,
attention has been paid almost exclusively to active sponsors,
and we often try to solve the problem of passive support with
the same instruments we use against active sponsors, leading to
the failure of coercion and, at times, making the problem worse."
Daniel L. Byman, Nonresident Senior Fellow, Saban Center for
Middle East Policy. Fulltext
A9 - Grand Goals, Modest Results: The UN in Search of
Reform
Laurenti, Jeffrey
Current History, December 2005, v104, #686, pp431-437
"Washington resists linking the political and military issues
that Americans understand as "security" with the economic
and social issues arising from the deep poverty prevalent in four-fifths
of the world's nations. Others think the linkage is obvious."
In this article Laurenti analyses the United States' view on the
UN and its efforts to promote global peace against the backdrop
of the recent UN summit. He points to the conflict between international
law and national power as well as Washington's tendency to play
down the UN's role. Ultimately, however, the U.S. leadership recognizes
the value of the UN system institutions, says Laurenti. Jeffrey
Laurenti is a senior fellow in international affairs at the century
Foundation in New York. Order
Article
A10 - The Imperative for Action: An Update of the Report
of the Task Force on American Interests and UN Reform
United States Institute of Peace. December 16, 2005. 49p
"In December 2004, Congress directed the United States Institute
of Peace to establish a bipartisan Task Force on the United Nations.
The most important finding of a consensus report that was published
in June 2005 was "the firm belief that an effective United
Nations is in America's interests." Following the UN summit
in September, the Task Force was reconvened to assess "what
was achieved, what was not, and what should be done next."
The progress report, like the underlying work of the Task Force,
is divided into five sections: human rights and genocide; management
reform; weapons of mass destruction proliferation; preventing
and ending conflicts; and development and humanitarian assistance.
The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, nonpartisan
federal institution created by Congress to promote the prevention,
management, and peaceful resolution of international conflicts.
Fulltext
Countries/Regions:
A11 - Afghanistan: When Counternarcotics Undermines Counterterrorism
Felbab-Brown, Vanda
Washington Quarterly, Autumn 2005, v28, #4, pp56-72
"A huge explosion of opium poppy cultivation since the fall
of the Taliban has led President Hamid Karzai, the United States,
and the United Kingdom - the lead nation responsible for counternarcotics
activity in Afghanistan under the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan
(UNAMA) framework - as well as major international organizations
to declare that drugs now constitute the greatest threat to Afghanistan's
democratic consolidation and economic development...Paradoxically,
counternarcotics efforts in Afghanistan frequently complicate
counterterrorism and counterinsurgency objectives and can even
undermine democratization... Counternarcotics strategy should
concentrate instead on strengthening the Afghan state's capacity."
Vanda Felbab-Brown is a Ph.D. candidate in political science
at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and a fellow at Harvard
University's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.
Fulltext
A12 - More than Humanitarianism: A Strategic U.S. Approach
Toward Africa
Lake, Anthony and Christine Todd Whitman, Task Force Co-Chairs
Council on Foreign Relations, Report of an Independent Task
Force. December 4, 2005, 163p.
The Council on Foreign Relations Independent Task Force was established
to examine U.S. policy on Africa. The Task Force's main finding
is that U.S. policy toward Africa should change to reflect Africa's
growing strategic importance. Washington should maintain its historic
and principled humanitarian concerns, while broadening the basis
for U.S. engagement on the continent. The Task Force also recommends
that the United States advance a policy to help 'integrate Africa
more fully into the global economy,' so that the advantages of
globalization no longer bypass the continent. Fulltext
A13 - Transforming Globalization and Security: Africa
and America Post-9/11
Carmody, Padraig
Africa Today, Fall 2005, v52, #1, pp96-120
"Africa has traditionally had a marginal and decreasing role
in international affairs. Since the attacks of 11 September 2001,
however, the continent has taken center stage in the emerging
security discourse, and access to African oil is now a strategic
priority for the United States, which now trades more with Africa
than Central Europe and the former Soviet Union combined. This
fact, and the potential threat from global terrorism, are reflected
in emerging security regimes on the continent, bolstered by increased
U.S. military assistance. Thus, global forces have penetrated
not only African economic policymaking, but also security; however,
increased military assistance and the suppression of human rights
are further distancing society from the African state, worsening
long-term instability and jeopardizing U.S. access to African
oil...The paper argues that globalization is being transformed
through securitization, but that this is unlikely to be sustainable."
Padraig Carmody is lecturer in Geography, St. Patrick's College,
Dublin City University. Fulltext
A14 - Independence for Kosovo
Kupchan, Charles A.
Foreign Affairs; Nov/Dec2005, v84, # 6, pp14-20
"The article argues for Kosovo's independence from Serbia.
Kosovo has been under international trusteeship since the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization's intervention in the civil war of
1998. Serbs insist that Kosovo remain under Serbian sovereignty.
However, relations between the Albanian majority and the Serbian
minority have reached a state of crisis. The author argues that
the formal separation of Kosovo from Serbia offers the best hope
for rebuilding relations among ethnic Albanians and Serbs."
Charles A. Kupchan is Professor of International Affairs at
Georgetown University and Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign
Relations. Fulltext
A15 - Kosovo: Mission Not Yet Accomplished
Sletzinger , Martin C, Gelazis, Nida
The Wilson Quarterly, Autumn 2005, v29, #4, pp35-42
"Six years ago, a US-led military intervention ended ethnic
violence in Kosovo. International peacekeepers have patrolled
the province ever since. Now Kosovo has reached a turning point.
Without America's continued leadership, Kosovo could reignite,
spreading new conflict throughout the Balkans." The authors
point to the US' popularity and "unique position of trust"
in the Balkans when arguing for its continued involvement in Kosovo's
future. In the Balkans the U.S. is viewed like they wantto be
seen: as the guardians of human rights and security. Martin
C. Sletzinger is director and Nida Gulazis is program associate
of the Wilson Center's East European Studies Program. Fulltext
China
A16 - Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific
Stability
Medeiros, Evan S.
Washington Quarterly, Winter 2005-06, v29, #1, p145-167, 23p
"Because Washington and Beijing are both hedging their security
bets about the other at precisely the time that the East Asian
regional order is being redefined, reciprocal hedging today could
precipitate a shift toward rivalry and regional instability unless
it is carefully managed." Evan S. Medeiros is a political
scientist at the RAND Corporation, based in Washington, D.C. Fulltext
A17 - The Continuing Evolution of Iran's Military Doctrine
Ward, Stephen R.
The Middle East Journal, Autumn 2005, v59, #4, pp559-577
"Iran's military has tried to develop concepts for warfighting
suitable for deterring the United States while dealing with a
complex security environment and numerous constraints on its military
power. The military's key task has been to align doctrine with
service capabilities. This article examines the path of Iran's
doctrinal developments and highlights the advantages and problems
in Iran's approach and its seeming over-reliance on missile-based
deterrence and the threat of unconventional and proxy war."
Steven R. Ward is a senior Middle East analyst for the US
government. He is a Lieutenant Colonel, US Army Reserve (retired)
and has served numerous tours with the US Central Command. Fulltext
A18 - The Impact of the Iraqi Election: A Working Analysis
Cordesmann, Anthony H.
Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), December
21, 2005. 33p
"It may be the fall of 2006 before the full impact of the
December 15, 2005 election in Iraq is clear. It will be months
before the full nature of the new political structure it has created
has been negotiated and every element of the new government is
in place. There is still some risk that significant numbers of
Sunnis will not accept the result, or that some combination of
the insurgency and tension between Sunni and Shi'ite may divide
the country... Nevertheless, the fact Iraq has held a real election
for a sovereign government with a legislature with a four-year
tenure is an important achievement. In spite of complaints by
some of the leading parties, the election seems to have only had
a limited number of major glitches, and occurred only limited
violence. Sunnis did participate in large numbers, and the overall
turn out was relatively high. Everything depends on whether this
success can be turned into a more lasting political process. Anthony
H. Cordesmann, CSIS. Fulltext
A19 - Iraq: Learning the Lessons of Vietnam
Laird, Melvin R.
Foreign Affairs; Nov/Dec 2005, v 84, #6, pp22-43
As Secretary of Defense under U.S. President Richard Nixon during
the Vietnam War, the author was in charge of withdrawing U.S.
troops from Vietnam. He applies the lessons learned from the U.S.
involvement in the Vietnam War to the handling of the Iraq War.
He argues that if the U.S. had continued to fund its allies in
Vietnam after it withdrew its troops, the allies would have won
the war. Success in Iraq, therefore, depends on a commitment of
long-term assistance from the United States. The U.S. should foster
competence among the Iraqi security forces and then withdraw U.S.
troops. The task in Iraq involves nation-building and the establishment
of a legitimate government. Melvin R. Laird was Secretary
of Defense from 1969 to 1973, Counselor to the President for Domestic
Affairs from 1973 to 1974, and a member of the House of Representatives
from 1952 to 1969. He currently serves as Senior Counselor for
National and International Affairs at the Reader's Digest Association.
Fulltext
A20 - The Iraq Syndrome
Mueller, John
Foreign Affairs; Nov/Dec2005, v84, # 6, pp44-54
"American troops have been sent into harm's way many times
since 1945, but in only three cases--Korea, Vietnam, and Iraq--have
they been drawn into sustained ground combat and suffered more
than 300 deaths in action. American public opinion became a key
factor in all three wars, and in each one there has been a simple
association: as casualties mount, support decreases. Broad enthusiasm
at the outset invariably erodes. The only thing remarkable about
the current war in Iraq is how precipitously American public support
has dropped off. Casualty for casualty, support has declined far
more quickly than it did during either the Korean War or the Vietnam
War. In the wake of the wars in Korea and Vietnam, the American
public developed a strong aversion to embarking on such ventures
again. A similar sentiment--an "Iraq syndrome"--seems
to be developing now, and it will have important consequences
for U.S. foreign policy for years after the last American battalion
leaves Iraqi soil. John Mueller is Professor of Political
Science at Ohio State University. Fulltext
A21 - Clear and Fold
Kaplan, Lawrence
New Republic; December 19, /2005, v233, #25, pp12-15
"The U.S. has won every battle in Iraq, but the author claims
if operations do nothing to further a strategic goal, an army
can win every battle and still lose the war. He maintains that
the problem with the Army's approach to Iraq has been confusion
regarding the utility of force as an instrument of counterinsurgency,
and discusses the revised U.S. "clear and hold" strategy
which focuses on establishing and maintaining security in areas
and already cleared of insurgents." Lawrence F. Kaplan
is senior editor at The New Republic. He writes about U.S. foreign
policy and international affairs for the New Republic as well
as for numerous other publications. Fulltext
A22 - Iraq War and Lessons for Counterinsurgency
Cordesmann, Anthony H.
Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), December
9, 2005. 17p
" As for the lessons of the Iraqi insurgency to date, one
is the need for ruthless objectivity and to accept the political
and military complexity of counterinsurgency... There is a great
deal to be learned from past wars if the lessons are carefully
chosen and adapted as potential insights into a new conflict rather
than transferable paradigms. The Iraq War, however, is not the
Afghan War, much less Mao, Malaysia, Vietnam, Northern Ireland,
and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. There is nothing to be gained
from efforts to revive the same old tactical and technical solutions,
without remembering past failures. "Oil spots," "hearts
and minds," "Special Forces," walls and barriers,
and sensor nets are just a few examples of such efforts that have
been applied to the Iraq War." Anthony H. Cordesmann,
CSIS. Fulltext
A23 - Why Iraq Has No Army
Fallows, James
The Atlantic, December 2005, v296, # 5, pp60-77
"An orderly exit from Iraq depends on the development of
a viable Iraqi security force, but the Iraqis aren't even close.
The Bush administration doesn't take the problem seriously - and
it never has... The crucial need to improve security and order
in Iraq puts the United States in an impossible position. It can't
honorably leave Iraq - as opposed to simply evacuating Saigon-style
- so long as its military must provide most of the manpower, weaponry,
intelligence systems, and strategies being used against the insurgency.
But it can't sensibly stay when the very presence of its troops
is a worsening irritant to the Iraqi public and a rallying point
for nationalist opponents - to say nothing of the growing pressure
in the United States for withdrawal. Therefore one question now
trumps others in America's Iraq policy: whether the United States
can foster the development of viable Iraqi security forces, both
military and police units, to preserve order in a new Iraqi state."
James Fallows is a national correspondent for The Atlantic.
Fulltext
A24 - Iraq's Resilient Minority
Cockburn, Andrew
Smithsonian, December 2005, v36, #9, pp42-55
"Victims of genocide under Saddam Hussein, Iraq's Kurds have
put aside old rivalries to consolidate their political power in
the war-torn nation... Kurds like to tell people that they are
the largest nation in the world without a state of their own.
There are roughly 25 million of them, predominantly non-Arab Muslims
practicing a tolerant variant of Islam. Most live in the region
where Iraq, Turkey and Iran meet... Although the United States
helped free the Kurds from Saddam's rule, it now discourages Kurdish
independence to preserve Iraqi unity and to avoid offending America's
allies in Turkey. 'It's hard for our people to understand the
difficulties we face, says Falah Mustafa Bakir, minister of state
in the Kurdish Regional Government. 'None of our neighbors are
happy with a strong Kurdistan. When the foreign ministers of Turkey,
Iran and Syria, who in reality hate each other, get together,
at least they can agree about the 'problem' of Kurdistan.'"
Andrew Cockburn regularly covers the Middle East. Fulltext
A25 - Precedents, Variables, nd Options In Planning U.S.
Military Disengagement Strategy From Iraq
Terrill, W. Andrew; Crane, Conrad C.
United States Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute
(SSI). October 2005, 68p.
The authors examine "previous instances of U.S. military
occupation of foreign countries and the difficulty of maintaining
domestic support for such operations. While the authors view the
empowerment of a viable Iraqi central government and a security
force to defend its authority as vital to the future of that country,
they also suggest that there are severe constraints on the United
States' potential to sustain its military presence at the current
level. They conclude that the United States must be prepared to
withdraw from Iraq under non-optimal conditions, and that the
chief U.S. goal should be to devise an exit strategy for Iraq
that focuses on bolstering Iraqi government legitimacy. The authors
strongly reject the idea of withdrawing from Iraq according to
a formal timetable." W. Andrew Terrill, Middle East specialist
at the Strategic Studies Institute (SSI). Conrad C.Crane, Director
of the U.S. Army Military History Institute. Fulltext
A26 - Back From the Brink: A Strategy for Iraq: What
Would An Actual Strategy for Victory in Iraq Look Like?
Ottaway, Marina
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Policy Brief #43,
November 2005, 8p.
"The approval of the Iraqi constitution in the October 15
referendum does not put Iraq on the path to stability and democracy
but pushes it toward division into largely autonomous regions.
And this new momentum is probably irreversible. Whether it will
lead to a catastrophic descent into greater violence or even ethnic
cleansing, or to a managed transformation into a loose federation
of regions enjoying extreme autonomy, depends on whether it becomes
possible for Sunni Arabs to form their own region, as Kurds already
have and Shias are bound to do once the constitution is in effect.
The central thrust of U.S. policy in Iraq must now be to help
Sunnis organize an autonomous region and to convince Shias and
Kurds that it is in their interest to make this possible. Paradoxically,
announcing now a timetable for the inevitable withdrawal of U.S.
troops from Iraq could give Washington additional leverage in
influencing all sides to accept the necessary compromises."
Marina Ottaway, senior associate in the Democracy and Rule
of Law Project at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Fulltext
North Korea
A27 - The Six Party Talks and Beyond: Cooperative Threat
Reduction and North Korea
A Report of the CSIS International Security Program
Wit, Joel S.; Jon Wolfsthal and Choong-suk Oh
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), December
2005. 92p
This report outlines how multilateral CTR (cooperative threat
reduction) can play an important role in future efforts to eliminate
the threat posed by North Korean weapons programs. Elimination
of threats created by nuclear, missile and chemical/biological
weapons will require a series of diplomatic agreements, perhaps
stretching out over the next decade at a cost of hundreds of millions
of dollars. The Beijing Six-Party Talks represents the beginning
of that effort, dealing with the immediate threat posed by Pyongyang's
nuclear weapons program. Integrating cooperative threat reduction
programs into those talks and any subsequent agreements would
serve the interests of the United States and other participants
in those negotiations as well as those of North Korea. Fulltext
turkey
A28 - Turkey's AKP: A Model "Muslim-Democratic"
Party?
Tepe, Sultan
Journal of Democracy, Fall 2005, v16, #3, pp69-82
Turkey's democracy reached a turning point with the meteoric rise
of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the
2002 election. Surprising many, the AKP has launched an aggressive
reform process to meet the European Union's Copenhagen criteria.
The AKP-led "quiet revolution" raises serious questions
as to how the reforms will shape the future of Turkish democracy
and what role Islam will play in it. Three areas in which the
party's policies appear paradoxical are examined: its commitment
to decentralization while curbing intra-party democracy, democratic
reforms without civil society input, and party institutionalization
without having formulated an enduring ideology. Sultan Tepe
is assistant professor of political science at the University
of Illinois-Chicago and a native of Istanbul. The following essay
is based on field research that she has been conducting in Turkey
with a grant from the United States Institute of Peace. Order
Article
A29 - Turkish Accession to the European Union
Kubicek, Paul
World Affairs, Fall 2005, v168 #2, pp67-78.
"This article focuses on what Turkish membership and the
debates over Turkish membership mean for Europe. The main issue
is thus not whether Turkey will get in or whether Turkey possesses
sufficient European credentials, but rather how inclusion of Turkey
will transform Europe and what the debates over Turkey reveal
about Europe's conception of its core values and identity. In
the end, what argument will prevail? Clearly, in very obvious
ways, Turkey is different than Europe and its inclusion will do
more for diversity than any previous expansion. Although this
is worrisome for some, one might need to recognize that the definition
of Europe is not set in stone or defined by purely objective criteria,
but is instead a social construction." Paul Kubicek is
associate professor of political science at Oakland University,
Michigan and has previously taught at Koç University and Bogaziçi
University in Istanbul. Fulltext
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