| August 2005
German-American Relations | US-EU Relations | NATO |
German-American Relations
F1 - German Foreign Policy and the War on Iraq: Anti-Americanism, Pacifism or Emancipation?
Forsberg, Tuomas
Security Dialogue, Summer 2005, vol.36, #2, pp.213-232
”The clash between Berlin and Washington over the war on Iraq in 2002-03 came as a surprise to the community of scholars and analysts watching German foreign policy and transatlantic relations. Attempts to explain German behaviour have mostly focused on either the anti-American or the pacifist nature of German society. There is some relevance in these explanations, but they poorly explain the timing of the change, its sudden emergence and its focus on the Iraq issue. This article argues that the most important driving force behind the change was neither anti-Americanism nor pacifism, but rather Germany's political emancipation. The Germans had been gradually growing into their role as a leading power in Europe that is willing to take on greater international responsibility. When Berlin felt that it was not consulted in the decision-making process, it reacted strongly. The question at stake was the nature of the world order and the relations of the USA to its allies, and no longer the single issue of Iraq.” Dr. Tuomas Forsberg is currently Acting Professor of World Politics at the University of Helsinki. Previously, he held the position of Professor of Western European Security Studies at the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies in Garmisch-Partenkirchen. Order Article
F2 - The Media-Public Opinion - Policy Nexus in German-American Relations
AICGS German-American Issues, v5, 2005, 46p
"The starkly different media images and rhetoric that appeared in German and American news outlets during the Iraq conflict reflected the degree of political animosity between the two countries. Germans and Americans both were disturbed by the negative stereotyping and inaccuracies in each others’ news media, prompting a debate about the sources of these contradictory images and whether the media itself had become part of the problem in transatlantic relations. Five German and American journalists and policy experts discuss overall trends in the German and American media landscapes as well as specific aspects of the public-media-policy relationship. The last chapter "International Broadcasting and Public Diplomacy: Not Just for Governments Anymore" features an e-mail from a German high school student near Frankfurt as an example of the impact of what NPR and other un-mediated American sources on listeners abroad. Fulltext
US-EU Relations
F3 - Islamist Extremism in Europe
Archick, Kristin, John Rollins, and Steven Woehrel
The Library of Congress, Congressional Research Service, CRS Report for Congress, July 29, 2005, 6p.
”Although the vast majority of Muslims in Europe are not involved in radical activities, Islamist extremists and vocal fringe communities that advocate terrorism exist and reportedly have provided cover for terrorist cells. Germany and Spain were identified as key logistical and planning bases for the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. The March 2004 terrorist bombings in Madrid have been attributed to an Al Qaeda-inspired group of North Africans. And UK authorities suspect four young British nationals with possible Al Qaeda ties of carrying out the July 7, 2005 terrorist attacks on London. This report provides an overview of Islamist extremism in Europe, possible terrorist links, European responses, and implications for the United States.” Kristin Archick is Specialist in European Affairs, John Rollins is Specialist in Terrorism and International Crime, and Steven Woehrl is Specialist in European Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Defense and Trade Division. Fulltext
F4 - Iraq, U.S. Policy, and the Future of the Transatlantic Alliance
Draeger, David R.
Strategic Insights, July 2005, v4, #7, 10p
“Over the last two years, the rift caused by the preemptive attack on Iraq has caused many others to question the future of the Transatlantic Alliance. The intent of this article is to analyze whether or not the existing breach in relationships can be mended in a manner that will reflect in the pre-Iraq status quo. Despite what Kagan and other skeptics have asserted, I will show that the centrifugal forces promoting cooperation and harmony outweigh centripetal forces that have encouraged destabilization. In order to make this case, this paper first introduces the players in the transatlantic divide and identifies where the lines—for or against the United States-led invasion of Iraq—were originally drawn. Using Kagan’s work as a point of departure, I will then discuss the United States-European cultural divide and the ultimate power of transatlantic interdependence. Finally, I will conclude with a discussion of the U.S. administration's recent move toward diplomacy, including post-2004 U.S. presidential election visits to Europe, which illustrate the recognized need by players on both sides of the Atlantic to seek and find common ground.” LTC David R. Draeger is currently serving as the Chief of the USAREUR G3 Antiterrorism Division. Fulltext
F5 - European Perceptions of U.S. High-Technology and Defense Strategies since the Final Days of the Cold War: A Sine Qua Non Research Agenda?
Lungu, Sorin
Strategic Insights, June 2005, v4, #6, 7p
“Relations between the United States and Europe have deteriorated in recent years, and, despite some positive developments in early 2005, they still remain today at their lowest level than at any time since the 1960s. However, transatlantic relations began to change in the early 1980s. They have been subsequently reshaped by economic and technological processes and constrained by political and military factors.” Outlining a line of developments since the final days of the Cold War, the author notes that “the transatlantic relationship has historically (since the late 1940s) been one of inequality in military capabilities. However, future research could advance understanding regarding the extent to which the degree of parity or inequality in technological and industrial capabilities (in both the military and civilian sectors) has become politically sensitive since the mid-1980s for the transatlantic relationship. … such a research agenda will test the hypothesis that a restructuring of the transatlantic relations, both political and military, is inevitable, already beginning since the early 1990s, to include a reconsideration of NATO and its strategy (e.g., coalition operations) in the new post-9/11 international context.” Sorin Lungu, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University. Fulltext
F6 - The Origins of Atlanticism in Central and Eastern Europe
Asmus, Ronald D.; Vondra, Sasha
Cambridge Review of International Affairs, July 2005, v18, #2, pp203-216
“This article argues that the Atlanticism of Central and Eastern Europe originates in a specific set of historical experiences these countries have had with the United States over the past century. These include the Central and East European encounter with both Nazi and communist totalitarian regimes; a recognition of the leading role the US played in toppling communism and in facilitating the integration of these countries into Euro-Atlantic institutions; and the strategic calculation of many countries in the region that their national interests in Europe are better preserved via active American engagement that balances the influence of other major European powers.” Ronald D. Asmus is director of the German Marshall Fund’s Transatlantic Center in Brussels. Ambassador Alexandr "Sasha" Vondra is a non-resident transatlantic fellow with the German Marshall Fund, based in Prague. Fulltext
F7 -
Rethinking the EU: Why Washington Needs to Support European Integration
Ronald D. Asmus
Survival, Autumn 2005, v47, #3, pp93–102
“It is time for the United States to rethink its policy toward the European Union and European integration more broadly. The challenges of the twenty-first century and America’s changing priorities and strategic needs are making America more rather than less dependent on the EU and its success. The United States’ ability to reach its own top foreign policy objectives – defending the US homeland, winning the war on terror and promoting the spread of freedom and democracy around the world – increasingly require a strong, politically cohesive and outward-looking Europe that can act as a partner around the world. Today America needs a functioning EU as much as an effective NATO.” Ronald D. Asmus is director of the German Marshall Fund’s Transatlantic Center in Brussels. Fulltext
F8 -
Leadership Coalition and Change: The Role Of States in the European Union
Janning, Josef
International Affairs, July 2005, v81, #4, pp821-833
The author argues that the role of states in the European Union has not diminished over the history of the organization's international development. On the contrary, since the fall of the Berlin Wall, member state influence over EU affairs has grown. The author discusses the relationship between the formal and the informal layers of integration in Europe, and points to the changing coalitions among the current member states. Special emphasis is given to leadership coalitions and to the role of major players, notably the "Big Three," -- the UK, France and Germany. Janning argues that these three states will play a crucial role as the successor to the Franco-German alliance that was for so long the motor of the EU, and concludes with some observations and recommendations on EU policy-making in London, Paris and Berlin. Josef Janning is deputy director of the Center for Applied Policy Research. Order Article
F9 - How to Build a European Community
Etzioni, Amitai
The Brookings Institution, U.S.-Europe Analysis Series, July 2005, 4p.
Etzioni presents an American view on the European Union. He especially argues in favor of community building measures as a means to really achieve integration. “These measures would aim ultimately at transferring more of the kind of commitment, loyalty and sense of identity citizens now attach to their nation, to the European community. … The EU is trying to integrate the economies (and regulatory regimes) of its member states, but allowing them to maintain their essential political independence. The EU is seeking to stand between two steps on the ladder of integration: above the level of limited integration of a few economic sectors and below the level of a full union that would include political institutions sufficient to create a United States of Europe.” Amitai Etzioni is a University Professor at George Washington University and founder of the Communitarian Network. Fulltext
F10 - A Deployable Joint Headquarters for the NATO Response Force
McGinnis, Michael L.
JFQ: Joint Force Quarterly , Summer 2005, #38, p60-67
In October 2003, the North Atlantic Council stood up the NATO Response Force (NRF). It was conceived in recognition of the need for a military force capable of responding quickly to crises outside NATO’s traditional area of operations. “This article focuses on two major aspects related to standing up a new headquarters for the NRF: transforming a traditional joint staff (J-staff) into a deployable, flexible organization capable of planning and assessing effects-based operations (EBO); and bridging the gap between EBO concepts and putting them into practice.” Colonel Michael L. McGinnis, USA, is director of the Systems Engineering Department at the United States Military Academy. Fulltext
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