Posted February 14, 2008
Foreign Policy | Arms Control | Defense | Human Rights | Intelligence | Terrorism | United Nations |
Countries/Regions: Afghanistan | Africa | Asia | Balkans | China | Iran | Iraq | Middle East | North Korea | Pakistan | Russia |
A Moral Core for U.S. Foreign Policy
Chollet, Derek, Lindberg, Tod
Policy Review, December/January 2008, #146, pp3-23
"Is idealism dead? Should the promotion of American values of liberalism, democracy, human rights, and rule of law be a core element of U.S. foreign policy? Where to strike the balance between principles and interests is one of the most enduring debates about America’s role in the world. But since September 11, this question has become intensely contested and deeply controversial. It has emerged as one of the central divides between the political right and left — in large part because of the history of the past seven years, the Bush administration ’s rhetoric, its strong association with the 'freedom agenda,' and its actions justified at least in part by democracy promotion (namely the war in Iraq). Yet it is also becoming a sharper division within each end of the political spectrum." Derek Chollet is a senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security, and
Tod Lindberg is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford
University, and editor of Policy Review. Fulltext A1/01-08
Should Democracy Be Promoted or Demoted?
Fukuyama, Francis; McFaul, Michael
Washington Quarterly Winter 2007-2008, v31, #1, pp23-45
Francis Fukuyama and Michael McFaul present an argument for continued American efforts to promote democracy and a plan to strengthen policy tools for those efforts. They advocate "a concept of dual-track diplomacy and the creation of a new Cabinet-level department of development, with distinct resources and programs for democracy promotion." Francis Fukuyama is a professor of international political economy and director of the International Development Program at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, D.C. Michael McFaul is a Hoover Senior Fellow, a professor of political science, and director of the Center on Democracy, Development, and Rule of Law at Stanford University. Fulltext A2/01-08
The Impact of the 110th Congress on U.S. Foreign Policy
McMahon, Robert
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), Backgrounder, Updated December 21, 2007
“Democrats in the 110th Congress failed to alter Bush administration policy on Iraq, but made an impact on trade and energy legislation. […] In the first year of the 110th Congress, Democratic lawmakers steadily challenged President Bush but failed to budge policy on Iraq. Their impact on other foreign policy issues was mixed. Their inability to pass legislation on immigration, domestic surveillance, and other chief issues contributed to sliding approval ratings in surveys like the USA Today/Gallup poll issued at the end of 2007. On the other hand, they fulfilled pledges to bolster some homeland security protections and passed an energy package with sweeping changes to vehicle fuel economy and other conservation efforts.” Robert McMahon has covered foreign affairs since 1990 for the Associated Press, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and now cfr.org. Fulltext A3/01-08
New Nuclear Realities
Brown, Harold
Washington Quarterly, Winter 2007-2008, v31, #1, pp7-22
The outlook is dark but not despairing. Iran could well produce nuclear weapons during the first half of the next decade. That development is likely to generate pressure on others in the region, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, to follow suit. It is doubtful whether a U.S. security guarantee, even if offered and accepted by those nations, would then be seen as a sufficient substitute for a nuclear weapons capability of their own. Harold Brown is a CSIS counselor and trustee and served as secretary of defense from 1977 to 1981. Fulltext A4/01-08
Disarming Rogues: Deterring First-Use of Weapons of Mass Destruction
Szabo, David
Parameters, Winter 2007-08, v37, #4, pp58-70
This article examines the potential for intra-conflict deterrence when a state confronts an enemy that possesses WMD. Using the 1991 Persian Gulf War as a case study, the author draws lessons on whether, and if possible how, intra-conflict deterrence might work and looks at the implications for likely deterrence scenarios. Finally, the article considers lessons applicable to future conflict capable of lowering the likelihood of the use of such weapons. David Szabo is a Research Associate at the Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis in Washington, where his work focuses on US security policy in the Middle East and Europe. Fulltext A5/01-08
The 2008 Presidential Primaries and Arms Control
Hosford, Zachary M.
Arms Control Today, December 2007, v 37, #10, pp31-34
"The U.S. presidential campaign has given voice to a range of views on arms control and non-proliferation topics, ranging from balistic missile defense to the status of the U.S. nuclear arsenal. The author points out that many of the candidates' positions reflect posturing for the primaries, and the rhetoric may be different once nominees have been endorsed at the Democratic and Republican conventions. He also points out that world events may cause candidates to alter their positions in the final-run up. Still there is a general agreement aamong the candidates about certain issues, such as that Iran should not be equipped with nuclear weapons." Zachary M. Hosford is a staff writer for Arms Control Today. Fulltext A6/01-08
The P-5 and Nuclear Nonproliferation
Belobrov, Yury; Greenstock, Sir Jeremy; Chang-he, Li; Pickering,
Thomas R.; Schlumberger, Guillaume
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Decemebr 10, 2007, online edition, 41p
"This report assesses the contribution the UN Security Council's permanent five
(P-5) members — China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United
States — can make to preventing nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism, and
it identifies areas where their concerted efforts could be especially useful.
Many of its conclusions may also apply to the threats posed by other so-called
weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), chemical weapons and biological weapons. But
because the P-5 countries, as the only Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) nuclear
weapon states, bear special responsibilities in the nuclear area, and because
nuclear weapons are in a class by themselves in terms of their destructiveness
and their political and security implications, the report deals mainly with the
role of the P-5 in addressing nuclear threats." This report was prepared by a five-member working group of nongovernmental experts (all of whom previously served in government) from each of the five countries that are permanent members of the UN Security Council. Fulltext A7/01-08
Strengthening U.S. Strategy Planning
Friedberg, Aaron L.
Washington Quarterly, Winter 2008-08, v31, #1, pp47-60
"The U.S. government has lost the capacity to conduct serious, sustained national strategic planning. Although offices and bureaus scattered throughout the executive branch perform parts of this task for their respective agencies, no one place brings all the pieces together and integrates them into anything resembling a coherent, comprehensive whole. Worse still, to judge by the lack of any real effort in recent years to correct this shortcoming, there appears to be very little concern about what it may mean for the nation's security..." Aaron L. Friedberg is a professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University. In 2003–2005, he served as a deputy assistant for national security affairs and director of policy planning in the Office of the Vice President. Fulltext A8/01-08
New Challenges and Old Concepts: Understanding 21st Century Insurgency
Metz, Steven
Parameters, Winter 2007-08, v37, #4, pp20-32
In this article, the author develops his thesis that America erred in looking to the insurgencies of the twentieth century when formulating counterinsurgency doctrine following 9/11. He believes that the United States has used lessons from old conflicts to derive new strategies. He challenges the military and the defense analytical community to reexamine the "lessons learned" from the insurgencies of the twenty-first century. Steven Metz is the Chairman of the Regional Strategy and Planning Department at the US
Army War College Strategic Studies Institute. Fulltext A9/01-08
Human Rights: After Reforms, Do Offenders Still Get a Free Pass?
Muravchik, Joshua
InterDependent, Winter 2007-2008, online edition
"The UN has disappointed in many ways since its founding, but few disappointments have been sharper than in the area of human rights. Arguably, the failure of the Security Council to assemble the kind of international military force to defend the peace that is envisioned in the charter's chapter seven is a more consequential disappointment. However, the reasons for this failure are easier to understand. Perhaps the founders should have known that states would be reluctant to send their citizens to fight and die on behalf of the international community. But why should they have anticipated that governments would be averse simply to acknowledging certain facts about the abuse of human beings?" Joshua Muravchik is a resident scholar at AEI. Fulltext A10/01-08
Open Source Intelligence (OSINT): Issues for Congress
Best, Richard A. Jr.; Cumming, Alfred
Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. December 5, 2007, 27p
“Open source information (OSINT) is derived from newspapers, journals, radio and television, and the Internet.” Intelligence analysts have used this type of information to supplement classified data, but it is not considered a priority of the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC). However, responding to legislative direction, the IC established the position of Assistant Director of National Intelligence for Open Source and created the National Open Source Center. This report provides background information and some recent developments on the use of OSINT. Richard Best is a specialist in National Defense, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division at the Congressional Research Service (CRS). Alfred Cumming is a CRS specialist in Intelligence and National Security Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division. Fulltext A11/01-08
Executive Power in the War on Terror
McGinnis, John O.
Policy Review, December/January 2008, #146, pp63-75
This article analyzes the U.S. government's legal performance and executive power
in the war on terror: "[...] Before analyzing the Bush administration's legal strategy on the war on terror, it is important to reject some lines of criticism made popular by its opponents. First, critics are wrong to suggest that terrorism requires only enhanced law enforcement rather than the use of war powers. Second, critics are also wrong to suggest that the United States is bound by international lwa even if that law is not incorporated into our domestic law." John O. McGinnis is Professor of law, Northwestern University. Fulltext A12/01-08
Stopping Nuclear Terrorism
Levi, Michael
Foreign Affairs, December/January 2008, v87, #1, pp131-141
"Nuclear terrorism poses a grave threat to global security, but seeking silver bullets to counter it does not make sense. Instead of pursuing a perfect defense, U.S. policymakers should create an integrated defensive system that takes advantage of the terrorists' weaknesses and disrupts their plots at every stage, thereby chipping away at their overall chances of success." Michael Levi is Fellow for Science and Technology at the Council on Foreign Relations and the author of On Nuclear Terrorism.
Fulltext A13/01-08
The Challenge of Islamists for EU and US Policies: Conflict, Stability and Reform
Asseburg, Muriel
Joint Publication of SWP and United States Institute of Peace (USIP), Washington, DC, SWP Research Paper 2007/RP 12, November 2007, 83p
"Islamist politics pose one of the most important and complex set of challenges that the US and Europe face today. Foreign policies have not reflected that complexity adequately, but have focused to a large degree on Islamist actors with a global jihadist agenda and the global "war on terror." Also, while the debates in the academic and think tank community around the inclusion of moderate Islamists have found their way into US democracy promotion approaches, they have been much less reflected in European policies." Muriel Asseburg is Head of Research Unit, Research Unit Middle East and Africa at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). Fulltext A14/01-08
UN-U.S. Relations, 2007: The Role of the United States in the UN
American Foreign Policy Interest, November 2007, v29, #5, pp359-376
"This roundtable considered UN perspectives on the U.S. role in the organization with only tangential references to the broader question of the role of the UN in the U.S. strategic equation. The deliberations reflected a diversity of views: some points of widespread and substantive consensus and other areas in which significant discord remains. Respecting the reservations expressed by the latter, the report concludes with the NCAFP's recommendations for enhancing the U.S. presence in the UN in the spirit of the former." Order article A15/01-08
Countries/Regions:
The Troubled Afghan-Pakistani Border
Bajoria, Jayshree
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), Backgrounder, November 29, 2007
“The contentious border between Pakistan and Afghanistan remains a site of major conflict, and houses some of the world’s most dangerous militants. […] Afghanistan shares borders with six countries, but the approximate 1500-mile-long Durand Line along Pakistan remains the most dangerous. Kabul has never recognized the line as an international border, instead claiming the Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Lands (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province along the border. Incidents of violence have increased on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border in the last year.” Jayshree Bajoria is a staff writer at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). Fulltext A16/01-08
Breaking the Stalemate in Kenya
Barkan, Joel D.
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), January 8, 2007, online edition, 4p
"The historical origins of the violence that has engulfed Kenya since the discredited election of December 27 run deep, and it will take more than a recount of the vote and/or the formation of a government of national unity to resolve the crisis. Although nearly 9 million Kenyans went to the polls in what was to be the crowning event of the country’s two-decade struggle for democratic rule, the ingredients for post-election violence were clear." Joel D. Barkan is a senior associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. and professor emeritus of political science at the University of Iowa. Fulltext A17/01-08
Nigeria: Ending Unrest in the Niger Delta
International Crisis Group, Africa Report #135, December 7, 2007, online edition, 29p
"The Niger Delta is again at risk of sliding into chaos. The 29 May 2007 inauguration of new federal and state governments offered an opportunity to resolve longstanding conflicts afflicting the oil-rich, deeply impoverished region. Six months later, the opportunity is unravelling amid new violence and criminality. Decisive action is necessary to stop militant violence and criminal hostage-taking, initiate quick-impact development projects that can build public confidence in President Umaru Yar’Adua’s administration and tackle constitutional and legal issues that have fuelled unrest in the region." Fulltext A18/01-08
U.S. AFRICAN COMMAND: A New Strategic Paradigm?
McFate, Sean
Military Review, January/February 2008, v88, #1, pp10-21
"How should AFRICOM help secure Africa, a continent in crisis? It must begin by adopting a new security paradigm, one that regards security and
development as inextricably linked and mutually reinforcing. This linkage is the nucleus of the security -- development nexus, the strategic paradigm most likely to produce more durable security in Africa." This article focuses on the Africa Command (AFRICOM), a tenth combatant command established by the U.S. It states that the goal of the command is to enhance the efforts of the Department of Defense (DOD) to assist African partners in achieving a stable environment through security cooperation. Sean McFate is an expert in African security policy. Fulltext A19/01-08
Asia
Washington’s Eastern Sunset: The Decline of U.S. Power in Northeast Asia
Shaplen, Jason; Laney, James
Foreign Affairs, November/December 2007, v86, #6
The authors see danger emerging in Northeast Asia. "Three powerful, nationalist states [China, Japan, and South Korea] with a history of hostility between them are simultaneously awakening from a period of quiescence and jockeying for power," they write. The United States needs to change its policies in this transition -- it should help build a security regime among six Northeast Asian countries, create a bilateral security arrangement with China, and participate in multilateral Asian forums as vigorously as China does. The U.S. should also negotiate free-trade agreements throughout East Asia, Southeast Asia, even India. "If it does not move quickly, it will find its stature in Northeast Asia greatly diminished at precisely the time when the region takes its place at the center of the world stage," the authors write. Shaplen is a former policy adviser at the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization, and Laney is a former U.S. ambassador to South Korea. Fulltext A20/01-08
Kosovo Countdown: A Blueprint for Transition
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Europe Report #188, 6 December 2007, online edition, 35p
"Kosovo’s transition to the status of conditional, or supervised, independence has been greatly complicated by Russia’s firm support of Serbia’s refusal to accept that it has lost its one-time province. Recognition of conditional independence has broad international, and certainly European Union (EU) and American, support. Under threat of Moscow’s veto, the Security Council will not revoke its Resolution 1244 of 1999 that acknowledged Serbian sovereignty while setting up the UN Mission (UNMIK) to prepare Kosovo for self-government pending a political settlement on its future status. Nor will the Council be allowed to approve the plan for a conditionally independent Kosovo devised by the Secretary-General’s special representative, Martti Ahtisaari, earlier this year and authorise the EU-led missions meant to implement that plan." Fulltext A21/01-08
China
Long Time Coming - The Prospects for Democracy in China
Thornton, John L.
Foreign Affairs, January/February 2008, v87, #1
“Is China democratizing? The country's leaders do not think of democracy as people in the West generally do, but they are increasingly backing local elections, judicial independence, and oversight of Chinese Communist Party officials. How far China's liberalization will ultimately go and what Chinese politics will look like when it stops are open questions.” John L. Thornton is a Professor at Tsinghua University's School of Economics and Management and its School of Public Policy and Management, in Beijing, and Director of the university's Global Leadership Program. He is also Chair of the Board of the Brookings Institution. Fulltext A22/01-08
The Rise of China and the Future of the West - Can the Liberal System Survive?
Ikenberry, G. John
Foreign Affairs, January/February 2008, v87, #1
“China's rise will inevitably bring the United States' unipolar moment to an end. But that does not necessarily mean a violent power struggle or the overthrow of the Western system. The U.S.-led international order can remain dominant even while integrating a more powerful China -- but only if Washington sets about strengthening that liberal order now.” G. John Ikenberry is Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University and the author of After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order After Major Wars. Fulltext A23/01-08
China's New Dictatorship Diplomacy - Is Beijing Parting With Pariahs?
Kleine-Ahlbrandt, Stephanie; Small, Andrew
Foreign Affairs, January/February 2008, v87, #1
“Beijing has recently stepped back from its unconditional support for pariah states, such as Burma, North Korea, and Sudan. This means China may now be more likely to help the West manage the problems such states pose -- but only up to a point, because at heart China still favors nonintervention as a general policy.” Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt was International Affairs Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations in 2006-2007. Andrew Small is a Program Associate at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. Fulltext A24/01-08
The Costs of Containing Iran: Washington's Misguided New Middle East Policy
Nasr, Vali; Takeyh, Ray
Foreign Affairs, January/February 2008, v87, #1, pp85-94
"The Bush administration wants to contain Iran by rallying the support of Sunni Arab states and now sees Iran's containment as the heart of its Middle East policy: a way to stabilize Iraq, declaw Hezbollah, and restart the Arab-Israeli peace process. But the strategy is unsound and impractical, and it will probably further destabilize an already volatile region.” Vali Nasr, Professor of International Politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and Adjunct Senior Fellow for the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations. Ray Takeyh is a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. Fulltext A25/01-08
Iran and the US: Keys Issues from an American Perspective
Cordesman, Anthony
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), January 18, 2008, online edition, 22p
"There are at least two sides to every story, and it should be stressed that the stories that count in this instance are the ones told by top officials, not outsiders. Iran’s leaders will have to speak for Iran in defining Iran’s concerns and negotiating position. Similarly, the President and Secretary of State of the US are the only voices that can really define the American position. It is far too easy for hardliners to make impossible demands and talk recklessly about military solutions or a total lack of compromise." The attached report analyzes the prospects for negotiations between the US and Iran. Anthony Cordesman is Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy Center for Strategic and International Studies. Fulltext A26/01-08
Iraq
Progress in Iraq: The December Report on Measuring Stability and Security in Iraq
U.S. Department of Defense, December 2007, online edition, 61p
The strategic goal of the United States in Iraq remains a unified, democratic and federal Iraq that can govern, defend and sustain itself and is an ally in the war on terror. This report measures progress towards, and setbacks from, achieving that goal during the reporting period (September through November 2007). It finds that there has been significant security progress, momentum in reconciliation at the local and provincial levels and economic progress. Fulltext A27/01-08
Iraq Portrait: How the Press Has Covered Events on the Ground
Project for Excellence in Journalism, Pew Research Center, December 19, 2007
Through the first 10 months of 2007, the news media's picture of Iraq was painted mostly in bleak colors. But reports about daily attacks declined in late summer and fall, as did the amount of coverage from Iraq overall. “The findings suggest, among other things, that the bigger question may be not how the press interprets events but what kinds of events get covered, especially by a press corps whose movements are severely restricted in Iraq by the threat of attack and who are most mobile when embedded with U.S. troops. The results of the study of the content of Iraq coverage also correlate to a great extent with attitudes expressed by journalists working in Iraq themselves.” The Project for Excellence in Journalism is a non-partisan, non-ideological research institute that studies the press. It is one of eight projects that make up the Pew Research Center in Washington, D.C., a "fact tank" funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts. Fulltext A28/01-08
The Iraq War and Iranian Power
Carpenter, Ted Galen; Innocent, Malou
Survival, Winter 2007-08, v49, #4, pp67-82
In this article, the author argues "that America's removal of Iraq as the principal strategic counterweight to Iran paved the way for the expansion of Iran Influence. The critical issue now facing the United States is what it can do to mitigaten potential threats to its interest if Iran succeeds in consoliding its new position as the leading power in the Gulf Region. The best available option is a hedging accomodation strategy that would accept Iran's position as the new leading power in the Gulf Region while porviding some military aid to the major Arab states to help foster a new regional balance power." Ted Galen Carpenter is Vice President for Defense and Foreign Policy Studies at the Cato Institute in Washington DC., Malou Innocent is a Foreign Policy Analyst at the Cato Institute. Order article A29/01-08
Is Iraqi Kurdistan a Good Ally?
Rubin, Michael
Middle Eastern Outlook, American Enterprise Institute, January 7, 2008, onlin edition
"On a strictly emotional level, U.S. support for Iraqi Kurdistan makes sense. In the wake of World War I, the Kurds missed their opportunity for statehood when other peoples gained their independence. Today, they remain the largest ethnic group without a country. They have suffered greatly at the hands of others. But while Iraqi Kurdistan has come far, the unreliability of its leadership makes any long-term U.S.-Kurdish alliance unwise. Rather than become a beacon for democracy, the current Iraqi Kurdish leadership appears intent on replicating more autocratic models. Rather than become a regional Nelson Mandela, Iraqi Kurdish president Masud Barzani now charts a course to become a new Yasser Arafat. Despite lofty rhetoric about its suitability as an ally, Iraqi Kurdistan's actions suggest that it is far from trustworthy. Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Fulltext A30/01-08
Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: The Annapolis Conference
Migdalovitz, Carol
Congressional Research Service Report, December 7, 2007, online edition, 6p
“At the end of November 2007, the Bush Administration convened an international conference in Annapolis, MD to officially revive the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas reached a 'Joint Understanding,' in which they agreed to launch continuous bilateral negotiations in an effort to conclude a peace treaty by the end of 2008 and to simultaneously implement the moribund 2003 Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Both leaders are operating under significant domestic political constraints and they continue to disagree on many issues. Thus, their negotiations will be challenging.” Carol Migdalovitz is a Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs at CRS’s Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division. Fulltext A31/01-08
Middle East Democracy: The Limits of Limited Reform
Cofman Wittes, Tamara; McFaul, Michael
Brookings Institution, January 22, 2007, online edition, 15p
"Can the Arab world overcome its democratic deficit? Can democratization in the
Arab world produce greater stability in the Middle East? Earlier this decade, a
spurt of intellectual attention and policy action nurtured cautious optimism.
Some even identified regional political trends and emerging prodemocracy voices
as signs that a political renaissance might sweep the Arab world. Today,
however, the pendulum has swung toward pessimism." This article discusses the Arab world's chance of creating stability by accepting and promoting democratic governments. Tamara Cofman Wittes is senior fellow, Foreign Policy, at the Saban Center for Middle East Policy. Michael McFaul is Director of the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University. Fulltext A32/01-08
The Palestinians: Between State Failure and Civil War
Eisenstadt, Michael
Policy Focus, The Washington Institute for Near-East Policy, December 2007, #78, online edition, 56p
A diagnosis of the many longstanding ails that have kept the PA from governing effectively: "The Palestinians face numerous obstacles to meaningful reform and stability, including Yasser Arafat's enduring legacy of corruption and unaccountability, economic decline, rapid population growth, a self-defeating strategy of armed struggle and culture of political violence, and the Israeli occupation. These problems have been exacerbated by -- and, in many cases, have given rise to -- additional obstacles such as Israeli security restrictions, international sanctions against Hamas, and continued interference from Iran and Syria. Failure to formulate a comprehensive, multilateral approach to overcoming these obstacles could have untold implications for the Palestinians, the regional security equation, and overall U.S. interests in the Middle East." Michael Eisenstadt is a senior fellow and director of the Military and Security
Studies Program at The Washington Institute. Fulltext A33/01-08
Both Sides Now: Reflections on the Israel/Palestine Conflict
Habib, Jasmin
Human Rights Quarterly, November 2007, v29, #4, 21p
"This article emerges as a personal reflection on Israel/Palestine. It shifts the focus from the naturalized discourse about Israel and Palestine -- two different peoples and two different places -- to account for a culturally-shared experience of place. It argues that the Oslo Peace Accords were flawed precisely because they were part a process of disintegrating the very integrated -- if inequitable -- nature of Israeli and Palestinian society. Recognizing the humanitarian consequences of the escalating violence and militarized nature of the conflict, it argues against the terms of forced separation that have been imposed on these communities to date." Jasmin Habib received her Ph.D in Cultural Anthropology at McMaster University and an M.A. in International Peace Studies at the University of Notre-Dame. Order article A34/01-08
Gauging Pyongyang’s Missed Deadline
Bajoria, Jayshree
Council on Foreign Relations, Janaury 22, 2008, online edition
"The reclusive nature of the North Korean regime makes its neighbors wary. While they continue to engage with the state, some of them also might be making back-up security plans." North Korea ’s missed deadline on its denuclearization pact and new tough rhetoric revive concerns about the regime’s sincerity and stability. Jayshree Bajoria is a staff writer at the Council of Foreign Relations. Fulltext A35/01-08
North Korea: Terrrorism List Removal?
Niksch, Larry; Perl, Raphael
Congressional Research Service (CRS), Library of Congress. Updated December 11, 2007, online edition, 22p
"The issue of North Korea’s inclusion on the U.S. terrorism-supporting countries list had been questioned in 2000 and 2003. In late 2006 and early 2007, the Bush Administration offered to remove North Korea from the list if it agreed to end its nuclear programs. However, “if the Administration removes North Korea from the terrorism list, it is required under law to notify Congress 45 days prior to removal. For Congress to prevent removal, it would have to pass legislation (not resolutions) that would be subject to a presidential veto. The Administration has stated that it will adhere to the requirement of providing Congress with a 45-day notice.” This report provides additional background information on the negotiations to remove North Korea from the terrorism list. Larry Allen Niksch, ICAS Fellow, is a specialist in Asian Affairs with the Congressional Research Service of the Library of Congress. Raphael Perl is a specialist in International Terrorism Policy with the Congressional Research. Fulltext A36/01-08
Pakistan’s Institutions and Civil Society
Bajoria, Jayshree
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), Backgrounder, Updated December 27, 2007, online edition
Bajoria offers a look into Pakistan’s institutions, civil society, and the various players less known. “Pakistan’s army and its intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), have long been on top of the power structure in the country. [But] who are these emerging players in Pakistani society and how do they fit in the power dynamics of a state dominated by the military?” Jayshree Bajoria is a staff writer at CFR. Fulltext A37/01-08
Terrorism in Pakistan
Riedel, Bruce
Brookings Institute, Saban Center for Middle East Policy, December 27, 2007, online edition
In this interview Brice Riedel argues that Benazir Bhutto’s assassination “was almost certainly the work of al-Qaeda or
al-Qaeda’s Pakistani allies.” He says, “Their objective is to destabilize the Pakistani state, to break up the secular political parties, to break up the army so that Pakistan becomes a politically failing state in which the Islamists in time can come to power much as they have in other failing states.” Bruce Riedel is a former defense and intelligence official who helped make South
Asia policy in the administrations of George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton. Fulltext A38/01-08
The Security Impact of the Bhutto Assassination
Cordesman, Anthony H.
Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), December 2008, online edition, 2p
"Political stability is only one of the unanswered questions growing out of the Bhutto assassination. The assassination of Bhutto or any other leading Pakistani opposition leader, would push Pakistan to the edge of civil conflict if there was any suspicion that Musharraf had any role in it such an action or that the Musharraf government knew of plans for an attempt and did not provide the maximum possible security." Anthony H. Cordesman holds the Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Fulltext A39/01-08
The Myth of the Authoritarian Model: How Putin's Crackdown Holds Russia Back
McFaul, Michael; Stoner-Weiss, Kathryn
Foreign Affairs, January/February 2008, v87, #1
“A growing conventional wisdom holds that Vladimir Putin's attack on democracy has brought Russia stability and prosperity -- providing a new model of successful market authoritarianism. But the correlation between autocracy and economic growth is spurious. Autocracy's effects in Russia have in fact been negative. Whatever the gains under Putin, they would have been greater under a democratic regime." Michael McFaul is a Hoover Fellow, Professor of Political Science, and Director of the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. Kathryn Stoner-Weiss is Associate Director for Research and Senior Research Scholar at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. Fulltext A40/01-08
Russia’s December 2007 Legislative Election: Outcome and Implications
Nichol, Jim
Congressional Research Service Report, December 10, 2007, 6p
“This report discusses the campaign and results of Russia’s December 2, 2007, election to the State Duma (the lower legislative chamber), and implications for Russia and U.S. interests. Many observers viewed the election as a setback to democratization. Unprecedented for modern Russia, President Vladimir Putin placed himself at the head of the ticket of the United Russia Party. This party won a majority of Duma seats, and Putin was widely viewed as gaining popular endorsement for a possible role in politics even after his constitutionally-limited second term in office ends in early 2008.” Jim Nichol is a Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs at CRS’s Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division. Fulltext A41/01-08
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