Posted December 4, 2007
Transatlantic Relations | German-American Relations | Europe/European Union | NATO
Europe is Still on the Agenda
Gordon, Philip H.
Brookings Institution, November/December 2007; also published in E! Sharp, online edition
Phil Gordon discusses the importance of the European agenda for the United States. He argues that although the Europe has not received as much attention as other regions of the world, the U.S. must confront several European issues (Kosovo, Turkey, NATO, and Russia) to bridge the “transatlantic rift.” Gordon states that “[t]hese issues may not loom large in the US election campaign – but they cannot be ignored, whether Americans like it or not.” Philip Gordon is Senior Fellow for U.S. Foreign Policy at Brookings Institution. Fulltext F1/07-07
Is There A West?
Szabo, Stephen F.
The Globalist, October 30, 2007, online edition
Looking ahead, the challenges for cohesion of the “West” are profound, as Stephen F. Szabo explains. “The new global political culture in which we live resists imperial and hierarchical leadership, requiring instead a more consensual style of leadership. This is especially the case in regard to leading the West. […] if the new U.S. leadership does not recreate a new global partnership with Europe based on a more balanced relationship across the Atlantic, then the West will split into at least two Wests - to the detriment of both.” Stephen F. Szabo is the Executive Director of the Transatlantic Academy (TAA). Fulltext F2/07-07
U.S. Attitudes Evolve About EU Security Ambitions
de Jonge Oudraat, Chantal
European Affairs, Summer/Fall 2007, v8, #2-3, online edition
This article is adapted from a presentation at the Center in June 2007.
“When it comes to U.S. thinking about the development of a security policy by the European Union, there are three main schools of thought that can be discerned in the policy community. The author names the skeptics, the wary, and the conditional supporters. “It is important to underscore that thinking about EU Security Policy does not follow strict party-lines. There is not a Democratic view and a Republican view. Democrats may seem more inclined to be conditional supporters of ESDP. But this is only true on condition that such support seems in tune with U.S. interests.” Chantal de Jonge Oudraat is Senior Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University and Vice President of Women in International Security (WIIS). Fulltext F3/07-07
The New German Zeitgeist - Angela Merkel's Agenda is All But Finished. Germans Now Prefer Social Justice. Whatever that Means.
Theil, Stefan
Newsweek (International ed.), November 12, 2007, v150, #20
"Unlike, say, Tony Blair's New Labour or Bill Clinton's Democrats, Germany's pro-reform camp never managed to come up with a compelling vision of inclusion and opportunity that might explain why change would be good for Germans. Instead, they heard mostly that belts must be tightened. By avoiding discussion of why the reforms are working, both parties are encouraging the growing clamor for "felt justice" in their ranks. Now it is not clear how long Germany's Jobwunder will continue-and as for the reform debate, it looks like it is almost back to square one." Stefan Theil is a regular Newsweek staff writer and a former transatlantic fellow at the German Marshall Fund in Washington. Fulltext F4/07-07
German Foreign and Security Policy: Trends and Transatlantic Implications
Belkin, Paul
Congressional Research Service (CRS), Report, October 3, 2007, online edition
"German Chancellor Angela Merkel took office in November 2005 promising a foreign policy anchored in a revitalized transatlantic partnership. Despite continuing areas of divergence, President Bush and many Members of Congress have welcomed German leadership in Europe and have voiced expectations for increased U.S.-German cooperation on the international stage. Under Merkel’s leadership, Germany has sought to boost transatlantic cooperation in areas ranging from economic and trade relations, climate change policy, and global counterterrorism and non-proliferation policy, to peacekeeping, reconstruction and stabilization efforts in Afghanistan, the Middle East, Africa, and the Balkans. Merkel has enjoyed relatively strong domestic support for her transatlantically-oriented foreign policy agenda. However, as her term progresses, and domestic political tensions mount, she may be more hard-pressed to justify her Atlanticist foreign policy agenda to a public which appears increasingly skeptical of U.S. influence in the world." Paul Belkin is an analyst in European Affairs at CRS' Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division. Fulltext F5/07-07
Engagement and Multilateralism
Rubin, Michael
American Enterprise Institute (AEI), Short Publication, posted November 6, 2007; also published in Icelandic Way, November 2007
Engagement and multilateralism have become the guiding lines among European policymakers. There is rarely a problem, they believe, that cannot be solved by engaging in dialogue. Rubin argues that: "Perhaps it is time for Europeans to take a second look at the neoconservative model. While "neocon" has become a slur in European parlance, incorrectly associated with secret cabals and military force, at its heart, neo-conservatism argues that foreign policy should be tied to human rights rather than cynical realism, and that governments accountable to their people tend to promote security." Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at AEI. Fulltext F6/07-07
European Missile Defense: The View from the Pentagon
Obering, Henry A.
Arms Control Today, October 2007, v37, #8, pp6-8
Lt. Gen. Obering argues that it is time for allied partners to develop and deploy long-range European missile defenses. Such a defense would protect European allies from Iranian intermediate- and long-range ballistic missiles. Because there is a shared perception that something must be done to counter an Iranian threat, Obering notes that the U.S. has been negotiating to put limited elements of a defensive system in Poland and the Czech Republic. Iran poses a growing concern, he says, not only for the increasing ranges of its missiles, but for its nuclear enrichment activities which could provide fissile material for nuclear weapons. Absent a defense against such weapons, populations leave themselves vulnerable to intimidation or coercion. Further, Obering writes that limited missile defense deployments in Europe would not change the strategic balance of power there. Ten European-based missile interceptors "cannot catch Russian ICBMs [intercontinental ballistic missiles] because of the engagement distances and greater speeds of the Russian missiles," he says, and such interceptors have no ability to defend the United States against a Russian attack. Lt. Gen. Henry A. Obering is director of the United States Missile Defense Agency. Fulltext F7/07-07
Europe's Strategic Dependence on Russian Energy
Cohen, Ariel
Heritage Foundation, November 5, 2007, Backgrounder #2083, online edition
“Many European countries depend heavily on [Russian] energy imports and are highly vulnerable to global energy shocks. If current trends prevail, the Kremlin could translate its energy monopoly into untenable foreign and security policy influence in Europe to the detriment of European–American relations. At a minimum, the U.S. and Europe should work to support new transit lines that bypass Russia, and European countries should cooperate strategically to ensure their longer-term energy security. It is essential that the U.S. and its European allies combine their efforts in finding and implementing innovative ways to reduce energy dependence on Russia.” Ariel Cohen is Senior Research Fellow in Russian and Eurasian Studies and International Energy Security in the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies at the Heritage Foundation. Olena Krychevska, a Heritage Foundation intern, contributed to the production of this paper. Fulltext F8/07-07
The Rise and Fall of Christian Democracy in Europe
Gottfried, Paul
Orbis, Fall 2007, v51, #4, pp711-723
"The Christian Democratic parties in Europe were instrumental in rebuilding stable parliamentary regimes after World War II and restoring Europe’s reputation in the world. This was in large part due to the fact that they were not implicated in the crimes of the Nazi era. The Christian Democratic parties took root in Catholic countries and incorporated electoral organizations in the early twentieth century. After the war, Christian Democrats provided an alternative to the large Communist parties that were particularly strong in France and Italy. Germany's Christian Democratic Party was the most successful, moving beyond its traditional Catholic base to include a significant Protestant minority. However, the Christian Democratic parties are declining in influence in a present-day Europe that is increasingly secular and culturally radicalized, and the end of the Cold War has blunted their appeal among European electorates." Paul Gottfried is professor of humanities at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. Order article F9/07-07
Is East-Central Europe Backsliding? - The Strange Death of the Liberal Consensus
Krastev, Ivan
The Journal of Democracy, October 2007, v18, #4, online edition, 9p
"Populism is no longer merely a feature of certain parties or other political actors. It is the new condition of the political in Europe. The result is a brand of politics where the main structural conflict is not between left and right or between reformers and conservatives. The real clash is between elites that are becoming ever more suspicious of democracy and angry publics that are becoming ever more hostile to liberalism." Ivan Krastev is chairman of the Centre for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, Bulgaria, and editor-in-chief of the Bulgarian edition of Foreign Policy.
Fulltext F10/07-07
The Hyperpresident
Gordon, Philip H.
Brookings Institution; also published in the American Interest, November/December 200, v3, #2, online edition
"Will Sarkozy’s ambitious plans to transform France succeed, or will they go up in smoke along with previous (and far less ambitious) efforts? The latter scenario is certainly plausible, but for all the inevitable difficulties he will face [the author] thinks the stage has been set for a lasting presidency that will have a major impact." Philip H. Gordon is Senior Fellow for U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution. Fulltext F11/07-07
The European Union: Measuring Counterterrorism Cooperation
Ermitage, David T. Jr.
Strategic Forum, November 2007, #229, online edition, 8p
"Over the past 6 years, the gap between European and American threat perceptions has narrowed, and the recognition that the United States and Europe—despite different historical traditions, legal approaches, and capabilities -- must work together for the common defense has become clear. The key is to remain cognizant of the different dimensions related to terrorism, a well as the time horizons. The tactical-operational considerations should not impede the longer term strategic goal of delegitimizing terrorism as an instrument for political change." Dr. David T. Armitage, Jr., is an adjunct research fellow in the Institute for National Strategic Studies at the National Defense University. Fulltext F12/07-07
The Evolution of NATO: Expanding the Transatlantic Tool Kit
Rühle, Michael
World Security Network (first published in American Foreign Policy Interests), November 15, 2007, online edition
In this article the author discusses the need for NATO to improve its collective military-operational performance. "The transatlantic security relationship, including its institutional epitome,
NATO, is going through a major period of adjustment. Terrorism and the
proliferation of failed states affect allies in different ways and may lead to
different responses. Moreover, the need to engage in dangerous and potentially
open-ended operations exposes differences in military performance and risk
taking. Despite these structural limitations, however, and even in the absence
of a transatlantic consensus on some major security issues, the gradual
broadening of NATO's political scope and military tool kit suggests that the
alliance is well placed to support an increasingly complex transatlantic
security agenda." Michael Rühle is Head, Speechwriting, and Senior Policy Adviser in the Policy
Planning Unit of the NATO Secretary General. Fulltext F13/07-07
NATO Agrees On Missile Defence Way Forward
NATO's Nations and Partners for Peace, 2007, #3, pp148-152
NATO's 26 countries have agreed to assess by February 2008 the political and military implications for the Alliance of the US missile defense system.
This article discusses the aim of the NATO Program for an Active Layered Theatre Ballistic Missile Defence Capability to protect NATO forces by 2010. Fulltext F14/07-07
Enhancing NATO’s Cooperation with International Organizations
Yost, David S.
NATO Review, Autumn 2007, #3, online edition
In this article David S. Yost explores how NATO could further combine its strengths with those of other international organizations. "At the Riga Summit in November 2006, the NATO Allies endorsed a comprehensive
civil-military approach to security. This approach marks another stage in a
transition underway since the end of the Cold War. An essential part of this is
improving the Alliance’s cooperation with other international organizations." David S. Yost is a professor at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. Fulltext F15/07-07
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